Exit the president
The troubled era of Pervez Musharraf ends. New troubles begin
THE ECONOMIST
He had stayed too long, as dictators do. He considered himself indispensable, even as his powers ebbed and support vanished. But Pervez Musharraf, an army coupster turned army-backed president, made a dignified exit on August 19th. In a cogent hour-long address, televised live and delivered with few notes, Mr Musharraf defended his nine-year rule. He denied the charges that the ruling coalition, led by the Pakistan People's Party, was about to impeach him with, accusing it of pursuing a vendetta against him. As he spoke, taut with emotion, its supporters were dancing in the street.
Mr Musharraf's demise had been inevitable since August 7th, when the PPP and its main coalition partner, the Pakistan Muslim League (N), or PML(N), said they would impeach him. A charge-sheet had been drafted, and was to be presented to parliament this week. It included Mr Musharraf's first seizure of power in 1999_at the expense of Nawaz Sharif, the PML(N)'s leader, whom Mr Musharraf imprisoned and exiled_and his second last November, when he declared an emergency as a means to get re-elected president.
The charge-sheet also listed some of Mr Musharraf's contributions to the war on terror. By stomping to Americas fiddle_for example, in marching his army into the north-west tribal areas bordering Afghanistan_Mr Musharraf won $11.8 billion in American aid, most of it military. But many Pakistanis hated him for it. They reasonably blamed his policies for a Taleban insurgency in the north-west and terrorism all over, including a suicide attack on a hospital in the frontier town of Dera Ismail Khan on August 19th that killed 30 people.
The impeachment of its former chief would have embarrassed the army. To ensure it kept its nose out of politics for a change, the government had therefore urged Mr Musharraf to quit. And the army, under its recently appointed chief, General Ashfaq Kayani, did not demur. Nor did America; it called the impeachment an internal issue. In the dying days of his supremacy, Mr Musharraf was therefore reduced to haggling over his retirement plan.
He wants to live honourably in Pakistan, in a mansion he is building outside Islamabad. The PPP's leader, Asif Zardari, the widower of the party's murdered former leader, Benazir Bhutto, could tolerate this. But Mr Sharif, who was no stickler for the rule of law during his own two riotous terms, says the coupster must be punished. For now, Mr Musharraf seems safe from prosecution. But he may yet quit Pakistan for a spell.
The government meanwhile has troubles of its own. Its decision to impeach the president was less a sign of strength than of terminal wrangling between Mr Zardari and Mr Sharif. At the heart of their dispute are 60 judges, sacked by Mr Musharraf during the emergency. Mr Sharif wants the old judges restored at once. And he wants the president's power to dismiss parliament clipped by a constitutional amendment. Mr Zardari is willing to have most of the judges back, but not their irascible leader, Iftikhar Chaudhry. He may also fancy the presidency for himself.
Mr Musharraf goes at a time of alarming instability in Pakistan. With inflation officially at 24%, and food prices rising faster, the economy is stricken. The violent north-west is screaming for more enlightened and steadier policies than the army has applied. But after nine years of being hounded, divided and abused by Mr Musharraf and his men, the politicians' erratic performance is not surprising. Above all, Pakistan needs confidence in its democratic system, including its capacity to keep its army in check. Under Mr Musharraf, this was unimaginable. Not that he recognised it. To the end, he considered himself a promulgator of the essence of democracy. Mr Musharraf referred to this concept in his speech while claiming credit for having boosted women's rights, local governments and other equitable things. He did so, sometimes successfully. But two tawdry facts remained: Mr Musharraf had never won an unrigged election; and had long been unpopular. He has now been slung out by the first fairly-elected government permitted on his watch. That is democratic.
Showing posts with label Perspective News. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Perspective News. Show all posts
Sunday, August 31, 2008
Media manipulation not worth emulating
POSTBAG
Media manipulation not worth emulating
Imtiaz Muqbil (Soul Searching, Aug 17 2008) effectively exposed the blatant use of Western propaganda to denigrate China while the Chinese are hosting the 2008 Olympics.
The constant barrage of media manipulation over the past seven years, especially from Washington, has desensitised media readers and viewers to the point that the media in general have become untrustworthy and lacking in credibility and words from leaders, especially from those in Washington, are being totally ignored all over the world.
Imtiaz asked: ''If they can do it, why can't we?''
The answer is: You can do it too, but you can count me out because they have lost their credibility and I plan to keep mine.
Imtiaz did a most excellent job identifying the problem, but it is muchbetter to be part of the solution and not part of the problem.
GUY BAKER
Bangkok
-----
Thaksin and the justice system
I applaud Thongbai Thongpao's commentary of Aug 17, 2008 for reminding the public that former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra evidently had no problem with the Thai justice system when it acquitted him on assets concealment charges.
Indeed, persons involved in the deci sion have subsequently admitted publicly that political factors were taken into account in the decision. For the error the Supreme Court, in a belated show of righteous indignation, eventually issued a scathing public indictment of the judges concerned.
However, Mr Thongbai's assertion that Mr Thaksin's family and financial assets would be at risk should he return to Thailand is subject to doubt.
FRANK LEE
Bangkok
-----
Licensing beggars not the way to go
Thai people are surprisingly talented at coming up with unique ideas, but sometimes this can run in the wrong direction and cause a big laugh and/or trouble.
Licensing beggars of Thai nationality is a bad example.
Since qualification exams and issuing such licences will be handled by relatively low-level officials, it will invite corruption and collusion.
As a consequence, it is quite likely that more beggars will roam public areas, such as streets, and visit businesses asking help openly.
In advanced countries, it is the norm that these poor people are given a kind of ID which widens their chance for receiving support from the government and/or NGOs.
As for non-Thai beggars, police should not fail to arrest and deport them to their origins.
R.H. SUGA
Lamphun
-----
Foreign diatribes a perverse service
It is a constant embarrassment as a long-term foreigner living in Thailand to have to read, on a very regular basis, the half-baked rants from other foreigners in your letter columns.
A sizable proportion of these efforts presents a wholly myopic and self-driven view of how they expect Thailand to be, and varying degrees of anger that it does not meet their personal expectations.
Whilst amusing for your Thai readers to see how truly ridiculous some foreigners actually are, I feel it does not really advance the flame of truth very much by giving them column inches. But then again, perhaps revealing these grotesque diatribes provides a warning that all things Western are not necessarily positive.
CATHERINE CHOBLEY-DICKSON
Bangkok
-----
UK has acted properly in Thaksin saga
I am a UK citizen who has lived in Thailand for five years. I have been following the Shinawatra saga with interest, but not being an authority in either Thai or UK law have refrained from making any previous comment on the subject.
I am however somewhat concerned at the pointing of an accusing finger at the UK as expressed in some of the recent letters you have published. Such criticism is, in my view, totally unjustified and unwarranted. I hope that consideration of the following points will clarify the situation, although judging by the almost vitriolic and abusive content of some letters, I fear they may not satisfy the most prejudiced.
Thaksin Shinawatra and his wife, Khunying Potjaman, have been regular visitors to the UK for a number of years and, no doubt, the visas they hold are of long duration and permit multiple entries to the country. At the time of their application, therefore, it can, I suggest, be assumed that both parties truthfully declared that they had no criminal convictions.
After the opening of the Beijing Olympics, the Shinawatras clearly caught the people of Thailand by surprise in not returning; perhaps, too, the people of the UK. On arrival in the UK there is no requirement to declare to Immigration/Passport control that one has recently acquired a criminal record and it presumably did not show up on the relevant computer records in Khunying Potjaman's case. There is, of course, no reason why UK Customs and Revenue Service should have been aware as there is not, as far as I know, any requirement for Thailand to advise the UK that one of her citizens has been convicted. And they certainly would have been unaware of a bail deadline in respect of the Ratchadaphisek land purchase case.
Having a conviction does not necessarily automatically invalidate a visa; each case is judged on its merits. The UK government will not, rightly, discuss individual cases.
To deny Thaksin (who is the main target) entry after so many previous visits since his ouster would have served only to put the UK in a position of being accused of prejudging the matter. A per son is innocent until proven guilty; a refusal of entry to the UK was never an option.
To deny the khunying could well have seemed petty, given the clear expectation she would be returning to honour her appeal bail.
MR MAC
-----
Bus conductors have important role
Before the introduction of one-person operated buses in Bangkok, I would urge the BMTA to consider the following points, based on my experience in London. Conductors play a vital social role in two major respects.
First, they constantly monitor passengers and act as a deterrent to anti-social behaviour. Second they act as a companion to the driver and through occasional conversation help to ward off driver fatigue, especially on the longer bus routes.
Drivers working on their own will need intensive training and salary increases to compensate for additional skills.
Buses will need to be massively upgraded with CCTV and direct communication links with the police. Doors will need to be redesignated entry and exit and a system devised to deter passengers from entering through the exit doors with intent to avoid paying, especially during peak periods.
The level of ticket inspection is highly commendable, though more noticeable on the outskirts of Bangkok. London could learn a few lessons here.
IAN HOLLINGWORTH
-----
The other side
Russia's envoy to Nato wrote the following in the International Herald Tribune on Aug 18, 2008: ''The Georgian air force and artillery struck the sleeping town at midnight. More than 1,500 civilians perished in the very first hours of the shelling. At the same time, Georgian special forces shot 10 Russian peacekeepers who didn't expect such a betrayal from their Georgian colleagues. The Kremlin attempted to reach Georgian Prime Minister Saakashvili, who was hiding, by phone. All this time the Russian Joint Staff forbid (forbade) the surviving peacekeepers to open return fire. Finally our patience was exhausted. The Russian forces came to help Tskhinvali and its civilian population. In reply to the insulting criticism by President Bush that Russia used 'disproportionate force', I'd like to cite some legal grounds for our response.
''Can shooting peacekeepers and the mass extermination of a civilian population _ mainly Russian citizens _ be regarded as hostile action against a state? Is it ground (grounds) enough to use armed force in self-defence and to safeguard the security of these citizens?'' (from ''Washington's hypocrisy,'' by Dmitry Rogozin, published August 18, 2008, International Herald Tribune, the global edition of the New York Times at http://www.iht.com/articles/2008/08/18/opinion/edrogozin.php)
GUY BAKER
Bangkok
-----
Write us: Please send your comments on Perspective articles to perspective@bangkokpost.co.th
Media manipulation not worth emulating
Imtiaz Muqbil (Soul Searching, Aug 17 2008) effectively exposed the blatant use of Western propaganda to denigrate China while the Chinese are hosting the 2008 Olympics.
The constant barrage of media manipulation over the past seven years, especially from Washington, has desensitised media readers and viewers to the point that the media in general have become untrustworthy and lacking in credibility and words from leaders, especially from those in Washington, are being totally ignored all over the world.
Imtiaz asked: ''If they can do it, why can't we?''
The answer is: You can do it too, but you can count me out because they have lost their credibility and I plan to keep mine.
Imtiaz did a most excellent job identifying the problem, but it is muchbetter to be part of the solution and not part of the problem.
GUY BAKER
Bangkok
-----
Thaksin and the justice system
I applaud Thongbai Thongpao's commentary of Aug 17, 2008 for reminding the public that former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra evidently had no problem with the Thai justice system when it acquitted him on assets concealment charges.
Indeed, persons involved in the deci sion have subsequently admitted publicly that political factors were taken into account in the decision. For the error the Supreme Court, in a belated show of righteous indignation, eventually issued a scathing public indictment of the judges concerned.
However, Mr Thongbai's assertion that Mr Thaksin's family and financial assets would be at risk should he return to Thailand is subject to doubt.
FRANK LEE
Bangkok
-----
Licensing beggars not the way to go
Thai people are surprisingly talented at coming up with unique ideas, but sometimes this can run in the wrong direction and cause a big laugh and/or trouble.
Licensing beggars of Thai nationality is a bad example.
Since qualification exams and issuing such licences will be handled by relatively low-level officials, it will invite corruption and collusion.
As a consequence, it is quite likely that more beggars will roam public areas, such as streets, and visit businesses asking help openly.
In advanced countries, it is the norm that these poor people are given a kind of ID which widens their chance for receiving support from the government and/or NGOs.
As for non-Thai beggars, police should not fail to arrest and deport them to their origins.
R.H. SUGA
Lamphun
-----
Foreign diatribes a perverse service
It is a constant embarrassment as a long-term foreigner living in Thailand to have to read, on a very regular basis, the half-baked rants from other foreigners in your letter columns.
A sizable proportion of these efforts presents a wholly myopic and self-driven view of how they expect Thailand to be, and varying degrees of anger that it does not meet their personal expectations.
Whilst amusing for your Thai readers to see how truly ridiculous some foreigners actually are, I feel it does not really advance the flame of truth very much by giving them column inches. But then again, perhaps revealing these grotesque diatribes provides a warning that all things Western are not necessarily positive.
CATHERINE CHOBLEY-DICKSON
Bangkok
-----
UK has acted properly in Thaksin saga
I am a UK citizen who has lived in Thailand for five years. I have been following the Shinawatra saga with interest, but not being an authority in either Thai or UK law have refrained from making any previous comment on the subject.
I am however somewhat concerned at the pointing of an accusing finger at the UK as expressed in some of the recent letters you have published. Such criticism is, in my view, totally unjustified and unwarranted. I hope that consideration of the following points will clarify the situation, although judging by the almost vitriolic and abusive content of some letters, I fear they may not satisfy the most prejudiced.
Thaksin Shinawatra and his wife, Khunying Potjaman, have been regular visitors to the UK for a number of years and, no doubt, the visas they hold are of long duration and permit multiple entries to the country. At the time of their application, therefore, it can, I suggest, be assumed that both parties truthfully declared that they had no criminal convictions.
After the opening of the Beijing Olympics, the Shinawatras clearly caught the people of Thailand by surprise in not returning; perhaps, too, the people of the UK. On arrival in the UK there is no requirement to declare to Immigration/Passport control that one has recently acquired a criminal record and it presumably did not show up on the relevant computer records in Khunying Potjaman's case. There is, of course, no reason why UK Customs and Revenue Service should have been aware as there is not, as far as I know, any requirement for Thailand to advise the UK that one of her citizens has been convicted. And they certainly would have been unaware of a bail deadline in respect of the Ratchadaphisek land purchase case.
Having a conviction does not necessarily automatically invalidate a visa; each case is judged on its merits. The UK government will not, rightly, discuss individual cases.
To deny Thaksin (who is the main target) entry after so many previous visits since his ouster would have served only to put the UK in a position of being accused of prejudging the matter. A per son is innocent until proven guilty; a refusal of entry to the UK was never an option.
To deny the khunying could well have seemed petty, given the clear expectation she would be returning to honour her appeal bail.
MR MAC
-----
Bus conductors have important role
Before the introduction of one-person operated buses in Bangkok, I would urge the BMTA to consider the following points, based on my experience in London. Conductors play a vital social role in two major respects.
First, they constantly monitor passengers and act as a deterrent to anti-social behaviour. Second they act as a companion to the driver and through occasional conversation help to ward off driver fatigue, especially on the longer bus routes.
Drivers working on their own will need intensive training and salary increases to compensate for additional skills.
Buses will need to be massively upgraded with CCTV and direct communication links with the police. Doors will need to be redesignated entry and exit and a system devised to deter passengers from entering through the exit doors with intent to avoid paying, especially during peak periods.
The level of ticket inspection is highly commendable, though more noticeable on the outskirts of Bangkok. London could learn a few lessons here.
IAN HOLLINGWORTH
-----
The other side
Russia's envoy to Nato wrote the following in the International Herald Tribune on Aug 18, 2008: ''The Georgian air force and artillery struck the sleeping town at midnight. More than 1,500 civilians perished in the very first hours of the shelling. At the same time, Georgian special forces shot 10 Russian peacekeepers who didn't expect such a betrayal from their Georgian colleagues. The Kremlin attempted to reach Georgian Prime Minister Saakashvili, who was hiding, by phone. All this time the Russian Joint Staff forbid (forbade) the surviving peacekeepers to open return fire. Finally our patience was exhausted. The Russian forces came to help Tskhinvali and its civilian population. In reply to the insulting criticism by President Bush that Russia used 'disproportionate force', I'd like to cite some legal grounds for our response.
''Can shooting peacekeepers and the mass extermination of a civilian population _ mainly Russian citizens _ be regarded as hostile action against a state? Is it ground (grounds) enough to use armed force in self-defence and to safeguard the security of these citizens?'' (from ''Washington's hypocrisy,'' by Dmitry Rogozin, published August 18, 2008, International Herald Tribune, the global edition of the New York Times at http://www.iht.com/articles/2008/08/18/opinion/edrogozin.php)
GUY BAKER
Bangkok
-----
Write us: Please send your comments on Perspective articles to perspective@bangkokpost.co.th
Saturday, January 05, 2008
Difference in societies
POSTBAG
Difference in societies
E-mail: postbag@bangkokpost.co.th / Snail mail: 136 Na Ranong Road, Klong Toey, Bangkok 10110, Thailand
In his Dec 23, 2007 letter, "Farang Who Knows Too Much" writes: "Khun Supachok apparently does not see the violation of Thai cultural virtues implicit when these girls spread their legs for hire." It is interesting when a foreigner is accusing (in a vulgar way) a Thai father of four, two being daughters in university; furthermore, a devout Buddhist of not understanding Thai cultural virtues. I'm well educated, and well travelled, but if you asked me to describe British or American cultural virtues I'd be speechless.
Prostitution is said to be the world's oldest profession. I don't condone it, nor do I despise the people who do it; I simply realise that it's an age-old issue and it's not going away any time soon. Different societies deal with it in their own way, most often in uneven and bizarre ways, and no doubt Thailand is no exception in this regard.
Admittedly, I'm not an expert in world prostitution or an accomplished sex traveller.
For some reason Mr "Farang" is thoroughly bent on this particular subject, and gives the clear impression that he has a simmering dislike for most foreigners, and Thai men of all classes and ages.
Gladly, I don't share this opinion. Maybe I'm just naive.
In my own house, in my own country, I don't criticise my foreign friends and their home nations (perhaps to a fault), and I certainly would never say a word about the sexual lives and preferences of their people, especially their daughters. That said, I enjoy and respect hearing their opinions, even when I don't necessarily agree with them.
One thing I have learned: most foreigners don't really want to change everything, Thailand being the home country they've moved away from. I even hear criticisms saying Thailand has changed too much.
It's like when I go out, some people say I'm too fat and some say I've lost weight and look sick. Which person's opinion should I believe?
His expanded comments on Khun Thaksin's downfall are much clearer than his first and contain truth, but as I mentioned before, the list is long.
SUPACHOK CHATTANUCHAI
------------
Stop sacrificing environment
We may find the anti-west opinion pieces by Imtiaz Muqbil annoying, but this farang reader would rather be getting angry words than bombs.
Besides, many of Muqbil's columns are thought-provoking indeed. His praise of the fancy rhetoric employed by the Coalition of Rainforest Nations against US energy policy representatives at Bali is a case in point.
But before we sign on to leadership in energy sustainability by countries like Thailand, I respectfully suggest they do a few things to clean up their own act.
For example, consider Bangkok's love affair with that northern invention, portland cement.
Cubic miles of the stuff are gouged out of Saraburi's lovely hills, roasted with shiploads of hydrocarbons bought from Burma.
Trucked with much toxic ado to the capital, this grey grit is cast into towers that toast for decades, perhaps centuries, like Easter Island colossuses in the sun, to be ritually cooled by afternoon blasts of gas-gobbling air conditioning. A more sensible future world will look back at these practices with the same disbelief that we now reserve for the sacrifice of virgins.
The tropical countries may well have opportunities to lead in matters environmental, but their urban elites need to meditate on developing some new and better local styles of urban design and living, rather than simply imitating high-latitude western styles. Perhaps then they may rise to Mr Muqbil's praise.
JACK SWELTERS
------------
Extreme weather nothing new
Your Soul Searching column of Dec 23 says that "hurricanes, cyclones, snowstorms, and floods" are "killing people largely as a result of the war on nature waged by humanity in pursuit of economic development." The reference is to alleged causal relationships between carbon dioxide emissions from fossil fuels and global warming and between global warming and the frequency and severity of extreme weather phenomena.
Kindly note that extreme weather and weather-related calamities are not new, nor have they become more frequent or more severe.
As far back in time one as cares to look in either weather records or geological data, one finds calamities caused by extreme weather.
In the drought of 1877 in China parents sold their daughters into sex-slavery for the equivalent of $5 each and in the famine of 1790 in India parents killed their children and ate them.
The devastation caused by the cyclone of 1737 in the Bay of Bengal is yet to be outdone by any weather phenomenon.
In 1933 there were 21 hurricanes in the Caribbean and extreme hurricanes there have been recorded numerous times prior to the current phenomenon of rising atmospheric CO2.
The allegations that extreme weather is a new phenomenon and that it is caused by human activity have been repeated so many times that they have become truth by default.
CHA-AM JAMAL
------------
Season's greetings
The thrill in the air, the laughter in parties
Betoken the time of change in the year
Merry lights in the windows, families at peace
At the end of one year, looking forward to the new
In the magical lanes of the city center
Marigolds shine in the tropical sun
And in historic avenues images of His Majesty
Smile upon the people, giving them security
There can be no other time when one wishes for the new
Knowing that the old has gifted of itself beyond its reserve
Unfolding novel surprises in the turn of its time
The new year brings in zest, joys and hopes in undulating tides
With greetings for prosperity, peace and amity there is cheer
That there will be better times ahead. Happy New year !
Glen Chatelier
DIRECTOR
THE OFFICE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
ASSUMPTION UNIVERSITY
------------
Crusader merely disliked by some
The Insight column entitled "Vegan Crusader," beginning with "Eric Bahrt, the man so many love to hate" is quite untrue. Eric is not hated in the true sense of the word. He is rather disliked, for his continual nagging and presenting or claiming undocumented statements. For example, Red Ridgeback's letter, "A forum for everybody" (Postbag, Dec 8, 2007), said the Post did not have a section for "sublime to ridiculous," suggesting that Eric Bahrt's letters should appear there. Mr Bahrt claims to be flattered as a stupid person (Postbag, Dec 11); after all, stupidity is the ultimate in commonality. He appears to add his own "quaint" interpretations to what he reads. CHARCOAL RIDGEBACK
(No relation to Red)
Write us: Please send your comments on Perspective articles to perspective@bangkokpost.co.th
Difference in societies
E-mail: postbag@bangkokpost.co.th / Snail mail: 136 Na Ranong Road, Klong Toey, Bangkok 10110, Thailand
In his Dec 23, 2007 letter, "Farang Who Knows Too Much" writes: "Khun Supachok apparently does not see the violation of Thai cultural virtues implicit when these girls spread their legs for hire." It is interesting when a foreigner is accusing (in a vulgar way) a Thai father of four, two being daughters in university; furthermore, a devout Buddhist of not understanding Thai cultural virtues. I'm well educated, and well travelled, but if you asked me to describe British or American cultural virtues I'd be speechless.
Prostitution is said to be the world's oldest profession. I don't condone it, nor do I despise the people who do it; I simply realise that it's an age-old issue and it's not going away any time soon. Different societies deal with it in their own way, most often in uneven and bizarre ways, and no doubt Thailand is no exception in this regard.
Admittedly, I'm not an expert in world prostitution or an accomplished sex traveller.
For some reason Mr "Farang" is thoroughly bent on this particular subject, and gives the clear impression that he has a simmering dislike for most foreigners, and Thai men of all classes and ages.
Gladly, I don't share this opinion. Maybe I'm just naive.
In my own house, in my own country, I don't criticise my foreign friends and their home nations (perhaps to a fault), and I certainly would never say a word about the sexual lives and preferences of their people, especially their daughters. That said, I enjoy and respect hearing their opinions, even when I don't necessarily agree with them.
One thing I have learned: most foreigners don't really want to change everything, Thailand being the home country they've moved away from. I even hear criticisms saying Thailand has changed too much.
It's like when I go out, some people say I'm too fat and some say I've lost weight and look sick. Which person's opinion should I believe?
His expanded comments on Khun Thaksin's downfall are much clearer than his first and contain truth, but as I mentioned before, the list is long.
SUPACHOK CHATTANUCHAI
------------
Stop sacrificing environment
We may find the anti-west opinion pieces by Imtiaz Muqbil annoying, but this farang reader would rather be getting angry words than bombs.
Besides, many of Muqbil's columns are thought-provoking indeed. His praise of the fancy rhetoric employed by the Coalition of Rainforest Nations against US energy policy representatives at Bali is a case in point.
But before we sign on to leadership in energy sustainability by countries like Thailand, I respectfully suggest they do a few things to clean up their own act.
For example, consider Bangkok's love affair with that northern invention, portland cement.
Cubic miles of the stuff are gouged out of Saraburi's lovely hills, roasted with shiploads of hydrocarbons bought from Burma.
Trucked with much toxic ado to the capital, this grey grit is cast into towers that toast for decades, perhaps centuries, like Easter Island colossuses in the sun, to be ritually cooled by afternoon blasts of gas-gobbling air conditioning. A more sensible future world will look back at these practices with the same disbelief that we now reserve for the sacrifice of virgins.
The tropical countries may well have opportunities to lead in matters environmental, but their urban elites need to meditate on developing some new and better local styles of urban design and living, rather than simply imitating high-latitude western styles. Perhaps then they may rise to Mr Muqbil's praise.
JACK SWELTERS
------------
Extreme weather nothing new
Your Soul Searching column of Dec 23 says that "hurricanes, cyclones, snowstorms, and floods" are "killing people largely as a result of the war on nature waged by humanity in pursuit of economic development." The reference is to alleged causal relationships between carbon dioxide emissions from fossil fuels and global warming and between global warming and the frequency and severity of extreme weather phenomena.
Kindly note that extreme weather and weather-related calamities are not new, nor have they become more frequent or more severe.
As far back in time one as cares to look in either weather records or geological data, one finds calamities caused by extreme weather.
In the drought of 1877 in China parents sold their daughters into sex-slavery for the equivalent of $5 each and in the famine of 1790 in India parents killed their children and ate them.
The devastation caused by the cyclone of 1737 in the Bay of Bengal is yet to be outdone by any weather phenomenon.
In 1933 there were 21 hurricanes in the Caribbean and extreme hurricanes there have been recorded numerous times prior to the current phenomenon of rising atmospheric CO2.
The allegations that extreme weather is a new phenomenon and that it is caused by human activity have been repeated so many times that they have become truth by default.
CHA-AM JAMAL
------------
Season's greetings
The thrill in the air, the laughter in parties
Betoken the time of change in the year
Merry lights in the windows, families at peace
At the end of one year, looking forward to the new
In the magical lanes of the city center
Marigolds shine in the tropical sun
And in historic avenues images of His Majesty
Smile upon the people, giving them security
There can be no other time when one wishes for the new
Knowing that the old has gifted of itself beyond its reserve
Unfolding novel surprises in the turn of its time
The new year brings in zest, joys and hopes in undulating tides
With greetings for prosperity, peace and amity there is cheer
That there will be better times ahead. Happy New year !
Glen Chatelier
DIRECTOR
THE OFFICE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
ASSUMPTION UNIVERSITY
------------
Crusader merely disliked by some
The Insight column entitled "Vegan Crusader," beginning with "Eric Bahrt, the man so many love to hate" is quite untrue. Eric is not hated in the true sense of the word. He is rather disliked, for his continual nagging and presenting or claiming undocumented statements. For example, Red Ridgeback's letter, "A forum for everybody" (Postbag, Dec 8, 2007), said the Post did not have a section for "sublime to ridiculous," suggesting that Eric Bahrt's letters should appear there. Mr Bahrt claims to be flattered as a stupid person (Postbag, Dec 11); after all, stupidity is the ultimate in commonality. He appears to add his own "quaint" interpretations to what he reads. CHARCOAL RIDGEBACK
(No relation to Red)
Write us: Please send your comments on Perspective articles to perspective@bangkokpost.co.th
Happiness is a priority
IN SIGHT
Happiness is a priority
Professor Suthilak Smitasiri has been conducting a knowledge-based study of happiness to assist policy makers who, she says, have too often been single-minded in the pursuit of economic development, while ignoring human development
SIRIPORN SACHAMUNEEWONGSE
When I first met Professor Suthilak Smitasiri nearly two years ago, I was struck by the enthusiasm in her voice as she passionately moderated a forum intended to strengthen Thailand's commitment to human development.
The warm, attractive and confident professor has maintained her own commitment to human development during the unfolding of her career path in the field of nutrition, which she embarked on three decades ago.
Out of curiosity, I asked Prof Suthilak when we met again two weeks ago what had triggered the interest in human development while she went about her work in nutrition.
She replied thoughtfully that, as she was exposed to more and more experiences, her perspective changed.
Stressing that it is important not to be limited by a one-dimensional view, the professor remarked that from her personal experience Thailand's policy makers have too often been too single-minded in the pursuit of economic development, while ignoring human development. In the past, she says, important matters like social welfare and environmental preservation have been overlooked.
"Not only in Thailand, all around the world there has been a tendency to address matters with a problem-solving approach, ever since the end of the Second World War," she suggests. The problem with this management approach is that it makes problems the priority.
As a result, she says, government efforts tend to be inadequate and inefficient, because the focus is taken away from building on strengths and instilling true happiness.
"Most people are still using the 'old paradigm', when they should rather be practising positive psychology - which, for example, would put the focus on social ethics, morality and people's overall health," she remarks.
Prof Suthilak: "When we speak of happiness, it is important that we consider whether the people around us are happy."
The academic considers that even in the context of human development the old paradigm has often held sway. For example, major efforts are directed at making people more educated for purposes of economic development, but as she notes, "educated people are not always happier than their less literate elders".
For the past several months, after many years of researching this significant dimension of human development, Prof Suthilak has actively been promoting the "happiness factor".
At a seminar at the Rose Garden hosted by the professor last month, many posters were put up featuring quotes on happiness. One poster read: "Pleasure is the happiness of madmen, happiness is the pleasure of sages" - the words of the French novelist, Jules-Ame'de'e Barbey d'Aurevilly. Another one quoted the Italian Catholic priest and philosopher Doctor Thomas Aquinas: "By nature the creature endowed with reason wishes to be happy."
Prof Suthilak says that when we speak of happiness, it is important that we consider whether the people around us are happy. She regards the country of Bhutan, a kingdom that has established a "happiness index" for its people, as a valuable role model for Thailand.
Incidentally, her view is that it may be relatively easy to promote happiness in Thailand since the predominant religion, Buddhism, already teaches the simple how-tos of happiness.
"Yet to be happy does not necessarily mean that one has to be non-materialistic," she adds, noting that happiness is different for each individual.
"On the other hand, the emphasis should not be primarily on a superficial individual happiness; rather, a greater level of happiness, such as happiness in communities, should be envisioned," she considers.
Researching happiness
Personally inspired by the subject, Prof Suthilak felt the urge to conduct a knowledge-based study of happiness. Such a study would assist in passing on the matter to policy makers.
Accordingly, over the past year, the professor and her team at the Institute of Nutrition launched a study that examined the specifics of individual and community happiness. Once Phutthamonthon district of Nakhon Pathom province, on the west side of Bangkok, where the Salaya campus of Mahidol University is located, was chosen for the study, the academic team actively began surveying the happiness levels of over a thousand individuals in the district's three villages - Salaya, Maha Sawat and Khlong Yong.
The academics then began sorting and ranking the varying levels of happiness of individuals and communities. The most basic level was observed when people had their basic material needs fulfilled. In turn, this happiness level was topped if people were seen to get their happiness from "nature or from harmonious co-existence in their societies", whereas a higher level of happiness would be noted if people's happiness was seen to derive from creative community efforts or charitable deeds.
The more sophisticated the level of happiness, the more individuals were likely to enjoy peace, awareness and enlightenment, the ingredients of life-long happiness.
According to Prof Suthilak, the findings of the study suggest that most people in Phutthamonthon still value their communities and consider that the area is a better alternative than living in the city, particularly since there is more greenery. However, the younger generations, in the Maha Sawat community in particular, had become more materialistic, which, as seen by the academic, is one of the lowest levels of happiness.
Prof Suthilak said the study's findings suggested that problems at the community level were emerging. For example, it was noted that generation gap in families in all three communities was on the rise, which in turn led to more internal conflicts within families, resulting in a lowered happiness level. At the same time community-based activities were seen to have decreased.
Urbanisation has also taken a toll on the livelihood of the people in some communities.
"The Maha Sawat area, a community once known for its skilled craftsmen, now looks like a barren neighbourhood," said Prof Suthilak. She remarked that the rapid pace of urbanisation had forced residents of this community to adopt alternative sources of income, for example, selling noodles in hotels. In her view this brought less satisfaction and happiness than craftsmanship.
Another important trend observed was the changing role of the temples in the communities. Traditionally temples have been the heart of the communities due to their significance in bringing people together for merry-making, charitable functions and even schooling.
"Now that the people in the region have a better financial standing, the preference for education, for example, has been to send children to schools in the city, losing out on the cultural heritage passed on at temples," noted the professor.
According to the statistics compiled in the study, social responsibility as well is fading, as people in the communities don't know each other. This lack of a community bond makes people less trustful. In this regard, the Salaya community in particular was seen to have suffered in its happiness level, as most residents in the community have moved in from other provinces.
Prof Suthilak said the overall results of the study suggest that happiness in the district is still at a "moderate" level. However, in order to maintain the current level of happiness it would be necessary to address problems that are on the rise in a timely manner.
The professor is optimistic that with proper efforts to do so rewarding results will be seen in about five to ten years time. Noting that this is only the first year of the study, she remarked: "Possibly, in the future, we may become a role model for developing happiness levels among communities in Thailand."
She suggested that success in raising happiness levels in the Phutthamonthon communities would prove that happiness is not limited to rural communities and can flourish in more urban settings. Nevertheless, she acknowledges that there is uncertainty over whether the efforts will be fruitful. It was noted that the complexity of problems in the Phutthamonthon region, for example, is significant, because of the rapid development of the district over the last 20 years. However, she pointed out, every community has its own strengths which can be drawn on.
Remarking that the cooperation and commitment of the community members would be needed, she said: "However, before questioning someone else's commitment, I have to ask myself first whether I will remain committed to the task", adding that commitment is not always easy "because being committed means we want to see results, which means we make demands from others, and this sometimes is a source of trouble".
Nevertheless, she concluded, although success may be uncertain, the best we can do is to do our best each day.
BIO DATA
Professor Suthilak Smitasiri is Vice-Chair of the Board of Trustees at the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) and Head of the Division of Communication and Behavioural Science at the Institute of Nutrition, Mahidol University.
She holds a doctorate degree in Community Nutrition from Queensland University, Australia, a master's degree in Applied Communication Research from Stanford University, USA, and a master's degree in Development Communication from Chulalongkorn University. She has received the Queen Sirikit CERES award for her outstanding contribution to nutritional well-being in Thailand.
Prof Suthilak was born on July 15, 1955 in Bangkok.
Happiness is a priority
Professor Suthilak Smitasiri has been conducting a knowledge-based study of happiness to assist policy makers who, she says, have too often been single-minded in the pursuit of economic development, while ignoring human development
SIRIPORN SACHAMUNEEWONGSE
When I first met Professor Suthilak Smitasiri nearly two years ago, I was struck by the enthusiasm in her voice as she passionately moderated a forum intended to strengthen Thailand's commitment to human development.
The warm, attractive and confident professor has maintained her own commitment to human development during the unfolding of her career path in the field of nutrition, which she embarked on three decades ago.
Out of curiosity, I asked Prof Suthilak when we met again two weeks ago what had triggered the interest in human development while she went about her work in nutrition.
She replied thoughtfully that, as she was exposed to more and more experiences, her perspective changed.
Stressing that it is important not to be limited by a one-dimensional view, the professor remarked that from her personal experience Thailand's policy makers have too often been too single-minded in the pursuit of economic development, while ignoring human development. In the past, she says, important matters like social welfare and environmental preservation have been overlooked.
"Not only in Thailand, all around the world there has been a tendency to address matters with a problem-solving approach, ever since the end of the Second World War," she suggests. The problem with this management approach is that it makes problems the priority.
As a result, she says, government efforts tend to be inadequate and inefficient, because the focus is taken away from building on strengths and instilling true happiness.
"Most people are still using the 'old paradigm', when they should rather be practising positive psychology - which, for example, would put the focus on social ethics, morality and people's overall health," she remarks.
Prof Suthilak: "When we speak of happiness, it is important that we consider whether the people around us are happy."
The academic considers that even in the context of human development the old paradigm has often held sway. For example, major efforts are directed at making people more educated for purposes of economic development, but as she notes, "educated people are not always happier than their less literate elders".
For the past several months, after many years of researching this significant dimension of human development, Prof Suthilak has actively been promoting the "happiness factor".
At a seminar at the Rose Garden hosted by the professor last month, many posters were put up featuring quotes on happiness. One poster read: "Pleasure is the happiness of madmen, happiness is the pleasure of sages" - the words of the French novelist, Jules-Ame'de'e Barbey d'Aurevilly. Another one quoted the Italian Catholic priest and philosopher Doctor Thomas Aquinas: "By nature the creature endowed with reason wishes to be happy."
Prof Suthilak says that when we speak of happiness, it is important that we consider whether the people around us are happy. She regards the country of Bhutan, a kingdom that has established a "happiness index" for its people, as a valuable role model for Thailand.
Incidentally, her view is that it may be relatively easy to promote happiness in Thailand since the predominant religion, Buddhism, already teaches the simple how-tos of happiness.
"Yet to be happy does not necessarily mean that one has to be non-materialistic," she adds, noting that happiness is different for each individual.
"On the other hand, the emphasis should not be primarily on a superficial individual happiness; rather, a greater level of happiness, such as happiness in communities, should be envisioned," she considers.
Researching happiness
Personally inspired by the subject, Prof Suthilak felt the urge to conduct a knowledge-based study of happiness. Such a study would assist in passing on the matter to policy makers.
Accordingly, over the past year, the professor and her team at the Institute of Nutrition launched a study that examined the specifics of individual and community happiness. Once Phutthamonthon district of Nakhon Pathom province, on the west side of Bangkok, where the Salaya campus of Mahidol University is located, was chosen for the study, the academic team actively began surveying the happiness levels of over a thousand individuals in the district's three villages - Salaya, Maha Sawat and Khlong Yong.
The academics then began sorting and ranking the varying levels of happiness of individuals and communities. The most basic level was observed when people had their basic material needs fulfilled. In turn, this happiness level was topped if people were seen to get their happiness from "nature or from harmonious co-existence in their societies", whereas a higher level of happiness would be noted if people's happiness was seen to derive from creative community efforts or charitable deeds.
The more sophisticated the level of happiness, the more individuals were likely to enjoy peace, awareness and enlightenment, the ingredients of life-long happiness.
According to Prof Suthilak, the findings of the study suggest that most people in Phutthamonthon still value their communities and consider that the area is a better alternative than living in the city, particularly since there is more greenery. However, the younger generations, in the Maha Sawat community in particular, had become more materialistic, which, as seen by the academic, is one of the lowest levels of happiness.
Prof Suthilak said the study's findings suggested that problems at the community level were emerging. For example, it was noted that generation gap in families in all three communities was on the rise, which in turn led to more internal conflicts within families, resulting in a lowered happiness level. At the same time community-based activities were seen to have decreased.
Urbanisation has also taken a toll on the livelihood of the people in some communities.
"The Maha Sawat area, a community once known for its skilled craftsmen, now looks like a barren neighbourhood," said Prof Suthilak. She remarked that the rapid pace of urbanisation had forced residents of this community to adopt alternative sources of income, for example, selling noodles in hotels. In her view this brought less satisfaction and happiness than craftsmanship.
Another important trend observed was the changing role of the temples in the communities. Traditionally temples have been the heart of the communities due to their significance in bringing people together for merry-making, charitable functions and even schooling.
"Now that the people in the region have a better financial standing, the preference for education, for example, has been to send children to schools in the city, losing out on the cultural heritage passed on at temples," noted the professor.
According to the statistics compiled in the study, social responsibility as well is fading, as people in the communities don't know each other. This lack of a community bond makes people less trustful. In this regard, the Salaya community in particular was seen to have suffered in its happiness level, as most residents in the community have moved in from other provinces.
Prof Suthilak said the overall results of the study suggest that happiness in the district is still at a "moderate" level. However, in order to maintain the current level of happiness it would be necessary to address problems that are on the rise in a timely manner.
The professor is optimistic that with proper efforts to do so rewarding results will be seen in about five to ten years time. Noting that this is only the first year of the study, she remarked: "Possibly, in the future, we may become a role model for developing happiness levels among communities in Thailand."
She suggested that success in raising happiness levels in the Phutthamonthon communities would prove that happiness is not limited to rural communities and can flourish in more urban settings. Nevertheless, she acknowledges that there is uncertainty over whether the efforts will be fruitful. It was noted that the complexity of problems in the Phutthamonthon region, for example, is significant, because of the rapid development of the district over the last 20 years. However, she pointed out, every community has its own strengths which can be drawn on.
Remarking that the cooperation and commitment of the community members would be needed, she said: "However, before questioning someone else's commitment, I have to ask myself first whether I will remain committed to the task", adding that commitment is not always easy "because being committed means we want to see results, which means we make demands from others, and this sometimes is a source of trouble".
Nevertheless, she concluded, although success may be uncertain, the best we can do is to do our best each day.
BIO DATA
Professor Suthilak Smitasiri is Vice-Chair of the Board of Trustees at the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) and Head of the Division of Communication and Behavioural Science at the Institute of Nutrition, Mahidol University.
She holds a doctorate degree in Community Nutrition from Queensland University, Australia, a master's degree in Applied Communication Research from Stanford University, USA, and a master's degree in Development Communication from Chulalongkorn University. She has received the Queen Sirikit CERES award for her outstanding contribution to nutritional well-being in Thailand.
Prof Suthilak was born on July 15, 1955 in Bangkok.
Hope behind bars
COMMENTARY
Hope behind bars
THONGBAI THONGPAO
For several years now, I have been involved with the works of the Corrections Department. I am glad to report that the agency many take for granted has progressed in leaps and bounds in recent years, thanks to the strong determination and efforts of all officials involved. Gone are the days when prisoners were treated inhumanely or even abused and locked up simply to bide their time. Several self-improvement and training programmes have been initiated to help prepare them for the day they are released. And the success rate is one that we can very much take pride in.
As the last link of the justice chain, the department lies hidden in the twilight zone and there is practically no news of it unless there are prison breaks. But behind those formidable walls, things are changing rapidly for the better, though few may be aware of it.
The agency today upholds a philosophy that "people can change". Its two primary visions are to become outstanding in the area of treatment of offenders and to return productive citizens into the community. To achieve this means providing offenders with professional skills and rehabilitating them through meaningful and effective activities.
Under the supervision of former director-general Natti Jitsawang, the department has initiated several activities. Sports contests are held regularly among the prisoners, bringing both fun and joy to the inmates and their wardens.
In rare news reports, we catch a glimpse of the smiling faces of inmates, and their relatives beaming at the chance to see their loved ones engaging in sporting activities. Viewers too can't help but feel happy for them. At the very least, these people might come to realise that they are not worthless after all - not junk shunned by the society, and although they are locked up behind walls, they are not alone. They still have a chance and society has not deserted them.
Indeed, a miracle happened this year when the department, then under the head of Mr Natti, held boxing matches for male and female inmates.
Thanks to the department's determination to promote the sport by providing professional training, a female prisoner, who had served seven years of her 10-year term for dealing amphetamines, practised hard, with the ultimate aim of contesting for the world championship. Although she did not succeed the first time, neither she nor her trainers gave up.
On a makeshift ring at Khlong Prem Central Prison on April 3 this year, she beat Japanese contender Ayaka Miyano and won the World Boxing Council's women's light flyweight gold medal, the first for Thailand. It was only then that the world came to know Siriporn Taweessuk, alias Samson Sor Siriporn, a 24-year-old from Lop Buri, the world's first prisoner to win a world boxing title.
Apart from her personal dedication, the initiative of the department had everything to do with the victory.
Even after Mr Natti has gone, the Corrections Department continues to uphold its noble philosophy. It is as determined as ever to bring our fellow human beings who have gone astray back to a normal life. Its motto today is: control with the heart, correct with mercy and progress to international levels.
Although physically jails are not so far from the rest of the community, mentally there is a harsh line between the people inside and the rest of the society.
Apart from sports training, several other projects have been implemented to help change people who have gone astray to recognise their mistakes and return to society.
Starting in 1984, the department has encouraged prisoners to pursue their studies through its partnership with Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University. The prisoners can choose to study in 10 fields, including law, communication arts, economics, science and technology, and liberal arts.
The subject taken up by the most prisoners is law. From 1994 until 2005, 242 inmates graduated in this field, followed by management science (134), agricultural extension and cooperatives (120), communication arts (75), political science (63) and liberal arts. In all, as of 2005, 691 prisoners had completed their bachelor's degrees in prison.
The figures are something to be proud of, both for the endeavour of the prisoners themselves and the assistance provided by the department. These people should be able to start new lives after they are released.
Hope behind bars
THONGBAI THONGPAO
For several years now, I have been involved with the works of the Corrections Department. I am glad to report that the agency many take for granted has progressed in leaps and bounds in recent years, thanks to the strong determination and efforts of all officials involved. Gone are the days when prisoners were treated inhumanely or even abused and locked up simply to bide their time. Several self-improvement and training programmes have been initiated to help prepare them for the day they are released. And the success rate is one that we can very much take pride in.
As the last link of the justice chain, the department lies hidden in the twilight zone and there is practically no news of it unless there are prison breaks. But behind those formidable walls, things are changing rapidly for the better, though few may be aware of it.
The agency today upholds a philosophy that "people can change". Its two primary visions are to become outstanding in the area of treatment of offenders and to return productive citizens into the community. To achieve this means providing offenders with professional skills and rehabilitating them through meaningful and effective activities.
Under the supervision of former director-general Natti Jitsawang, the department has initiated several activities. Sports contests are held regularly among the prisoners, bringing both fun and joy to the inmates and their wardens.
In rare news reports, we catch a glimpse of the smiling faces of inmates, and their relatives beaming at the chance to see their loved ones engaging in sporting activities. Viewers too can't help but feel happy for them. At the very least, these people might come to realise that they are not worthless after all - not junk shunned by the society, and although they are locked up behind walls, they are not alone. They still have a chance and society has not deserted them.
Indeed, a miracle happened this year when the department, then under the head of Mr Natti, held boxing matches for male and female inmates.
Thanks to the department's determination to promote the sport by providing professional training, a female prisoner, who had served seven years of her 10-year term for dealing amphetamines, practised hard, with the ultimate aim of contesting for the world championship. Although she did not succeed the first time, neither she nor her trainers gave up.
On a makeshift ring at Khlong Prem Central Prison on April 3 this year, she beat Japanese contender Ayaka Miyano and won the World Boxing Council's women's light flyweight gold medal, the first for Thailand. It was only then that the world came to know Siriporn Taweessuk, alias Samson Sor Siriporn, a 24-year-old from Lop Buri, the world's first prisoner to win a world boxing title.
Apart from her personal dedication, the initiative of the department had everything to do with the victory.
Even after Mr Natti has gone, the Corrections Department continues to uphold its noble philosophy. It is as determined as ever to bring our fellow human beings who have gone astray back to a normal life. Its motto today is: control with the heart, correct with mercy and progress to international levels.
Although physically jails are not so far from the rest of the community, mentally there is a harsh line between the people inside and the rest of the society.
Apart from sports training, several other projects have been implemented to help change people who have gone astray to recognise their mistakes and return to society.
Starting in 1984, the department has encouraged prisoners to pursue their studies through its partnership with Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University. The prisoners can choose to study in 10 fields, including law, communication arts, economics, science and technology, and liberal arts.
The subject taken up by the most prisoners is law. From 1994 until 2005, 242 inmates graduated in this field, followed by management science (134), agricultural extension and cooperatives (120), communication arts (75), political science (63) and liberal arts. In all, as of 2005, 691 prisoners had completed their bachelor's degrees in prison.
The figures are something to be proud of, both for the endeavour of the prisoners themselves and the assistance provided by the department. These people should be able to start new lives after they are released.
ANOTHER LOOK AT TAP WATER
GUEST COLUMN / ENVIRONMENT
ANOTHER LOOK AT TAP WATER
Bottled water is being knocked as environmentally wasteful. However, the arguments have missed the point of unregulated contaminants in municipally provided water, writes GORDON McEVOY
I am a licensed public drinking water system operator. I drink bottled water; the good stuff - artesian or spring mineral water. Lately, tap water proponents are knocking bottled water as outlandishly expensive and environmentally wasteful (petroleum is required to produce the plastic, which then unnecessarily loads already stressed landfills). Those refusing perfectly good tap water while millions around the globe lack access to clean water sources are accused of no less than shameful eco-decadency.
Tap water is the new drink of the "politically correct". However, anti-bottled water arguments have failed to clearly outline important distinctions necessary for consumers to make educated decisions regarding their personal health.
Tap water in the United States is argued as safer than bottled water due to the stricter health-based regulations imposed. However, despite overwhelming public water utility compliance to established regulations, tap water in the US has been found to be loaded with unregulated contaminants.
The Environmental Working Group (EWG), a Washington DC-based nonprofit research organisation, analysed millions of water quality test results on file, as required by utilities under the Safe Drinking Water Act. The EWG discovered that between 1998 and 2003, 141 unregulated (therefore legal) contaminants were identified flowing from public taps across the country - including pesticides, ammonia, industrial plasticisers, and the rocket fuel component perchlorate. According to the EWG, of the confirmed unregulated contaminants, "52 are linked to cancer, 41 to reproductive toxicity, 36 to developmental toxicity and 16 to immune system damage".
The EWG asserts these findings underestimate harmful pollutants in America's tap water, due to limited federal monitoring required for pollutants suspected or known to exist in source and tap waters. For example, disinfection of tap water is necessary for eliminating waterborne disease. However, when organic pollution reacts with powerful oxidising agents used as disinfectants like chlorine or ozone gas, potentially harmful by-products are known to form.
Disinfection by-products (with ominous names like trihalomethanes and haloacetic acids) have been linked to cancer and reproductive toxicity. The EWG points out that while the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) regulates a handful of chemical disinfection by-products, scientists have identified up to 600 different types of these chemicals in treated tap water.
The EWG concludes that the EPA has failed to comprehensively determine what pollutants exist in America's tap water and subsequently set enforceable standards for those that have been found.
Supporting this charge, a 2003 National Resource Defense Council (NRDC) review of tap water quality in 19 American city water supplies concurs that, though relatively few cities are in violation of national drinking water standards (infractions of tap water rules were found in five major US cities over a two-year period), this achievement results from weak federal standards rather than low contaminant levels. The NRDC warns that tap water contaminants in some cities might pose health risks to pregnant women, infants, and young children - due to source water pollution, aging treatment plants, and deteriorating distribution systems.
Drink to our health?
The EPA currently regulates about 100 tap water contaminants. However, according to recent nationwide research performed by the United States Geological Survey, a potential universe of thousands of "emerging" contaminants - including residues from everyday products like caffeine, nicotine, artificial fragrances, insect repellants, and micro-bacterial agents used in soaps - threatens US lakes, rivers and underground aquifers. In fact, research has recently revealed an entire new category of water pollutants: pharmaceutical waste.
Municipal drinking water plants draw from these potentially contaminated sources. Operators chemically treat this raw water and pump the resulting potable product to taps of homes and businesses. However, public drinking water treatment plants are not designed specifically to remove residues from synthetically-engineered pharmaceutical products. Therefore, in some cases, these potentially harmful compounds may pass directly through the treatment process.
Independent studies (separate from tests required by the Safe Drinking Water Act) have discovered trace pharmaceutical waste in tap water in various US cities, including anti-cholesterol drugs, hormonal supplements, painkillers, and antibiotics such as tetracycline.
Scientists are collectively unsure of any human health effects associated with consuming minute quantities of pharmaceutical waste in drinking water. However, known hormone system disrupting chemicals, such as estrogen-mimicking compounds, are now linked to developmental and reproductive changes in fish (specifically an alarming "feminisation" effect seen in male fish).
The EPA's website acknowledges that human fetal exposure to low levels of unintended medicines in drinking water requires more investigation. Furthermore, a specially formed EPA committee has recommended a staggering list of over 60,000 chemicals for hormone system disruption screening alone.
Drawing from the Chao Phya
Bangkok draws its tap water mainly from the Chao Phya River; a source likely containing similar contaminants now confirmed in American waters. The Bang Khen treatment plant operated by the Bangkok Metropolitan Waterworks Authority (BMWA) utilises aggressive, yet primarily conventional treatment processes: coagulation, sedimentation, filtration, and disinfection with chlorine.
Preliminary investigations by the US EPA have revealed that conventional treatment processes are generally ineffective at removing trace pharmaceutical contamination. The reverse-osmosis treatment process (used to desalinate sea water) has been shown to remove a significant portion of certain pharmaceutical compounds. However, Bangkok's tap water is not treated by reverse osmosis.
The BMWA maintains that its treated water exceeds tap water safety standards set by the World Health Organisation (WHO). Impressive as this feat may be (especially when considering the state of the Chao Phya River), WHO's drinking water standards are similar to those set by the US EPA.
The Chao Phya River is certainly polluted by more than the 100 or so contaminants covered by WHO's standards. Therefore, we might assume that, similar to municipal tap water in the US, Bangkok's tap water is contaminated to some degree with unknown types and concentrations of unregulated contaminants, including pharmaceutically-active compounds (think Viagra).
Pepsi Company recently disclosed that their popular Aquafina bottled water is actually ordinary tap water. However, not all bottled water is equal. Artesian or spring bottled groundwater is likely "pure" compared to most tap water sources, because it typically derives from more protected or virgin ecosystems with much lower potential for impact by unregulated pollutants or chemical disinfection by-products.
Evian brand, for example, originates as snowmelt high in the Alps and slowly filters through thousands of feet of mountain before day-lighting clean enough to negate the need for chemical treatment prior to bottling.
Going green is not as black and white as we like to think. Perhaps the eco-police should scrutinise more hedonistic consumptive pleasures - like alcohol, tobacco, skin-whitening lotion, or even microwave popcorn.
Drink all of the recycled tap water you want. I'm sticking to Perrier, and I feel fine.
Gordon McEvoy is a currently licensed (Colorado, Class "A") public water system operator.
ANOTHER LOOK AT TAP WATER
Bottled water is being knocked as environmentally wasteful. However, the arguments have missed the point of unregulated contaminants in municipally provided water, writes GORDON McEVOY
I am a licensed public drinking water system operator. I drink bottled water; the good stuff - artesian or spring mineral water. Lately, tap water proponents are knocking bottled water as outlandishly expensive and environmentally wasteful (petroleum is required to produce the plastic, which then unnecessarily loads already stressed landfills). Those refusing perfectly good tap water while millions around the globe lack access to clean water sources are accused of no less than shameful eco-decadency.
Tap water is the new drink of the "politically correct". However, anti-bottled water arguments have failed to clearly outline important distinctions necessary for consumers to make educated decisions regarding their personal health.
Tap water in the United States is argued as safer than bottled water due to the stricter health-based regulations imposed. However, despite overwhelming public water utility compliance to established regulations, tap water in the US has been found to be loaded with unregulated contaminants.
The Environmental Working Group (EWG), a Washington DC-based nonprofit research organisation, analysed millions of water quality test results on file, as required by utilities under the Safe Drinking Water Act. The EWG discovered that between 1998 and 2003, 141 unregulated (therefore legal) contaminants were identified flowing from public taps across the country - including pesticides, ammonia, industrial plasticisers, and the rocket fuel component perchlorate. According to the EWG, of the confirmed unregulated contaminants, "52 are linked to cancer, 41 to reproductive toxicity, 36 to developmental toxicity and 16 to immune system damage".
The EWG asserts these findings underestimate harmful pollutants in America's tap water, due to limited federal monitoring required for pollutants suspected or known to exist in source and tap waters. For example, disinfection of tap water is necessary for eliminating waterborne disease. However, when organic pollution reacts with powerful oxidising agents used as disinfectants like chlorine or ozone gas, potentially harmful by-products are known to form.
Disinfection by-products (with ominous names like trihalomethanes and haloacetic acids) have been linked to cancer and reproductive toxicity. The EWG points out that while the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) regulates a handful of chemical disinfection by-products, scientists have identified up to 600 different types of these chemicals in treated tap water.
The EWG concludes that the EPA has failed to comprehensively determine what pollutants exist in America's tap water and subsequently set enforceable standards for those that have been found.
Supporting this charge, a 2003 National Resource Defense Council (NRDC) review of tap water quality in 19 American city water supplies concurs that, though relatively few cities are in violation of national drinking water standards (infractions of tap water rules were found in five major US cities over a two-year period), this achievement results from weak federal standards rather than low contaminant levels. The NRDC warns that tap water contaminants in some cities might pose health risks to pregnant women, infants, and young children - due to source water pollution, aging treatment plants, and deteriorating distribution systems.
Drink to our health?
The EPA currently regulates about 100 tap water contaminants. However, according to recent nationwide research performed by the United States Geological Survey, a potential universe of thousands of "emerging" contaminants - including residues from everyday products like caffeine, nicotine, artificial fragrances, insect repellants, and micro-bacterial agents used in soaps - threatens US lakes, rivers and underground aquifers. In fact, research has recently revealed an entire new category of water pollutants: pharmaceutical waste.
Municipal drinking water plants draw from these potentially contaminated sources. Operators chemically treat this raw water and pump the resulting potable product to taps of homes and businesses. However, public drinking water treatment plants are not designed specifically to remove residues from synthetically-engineered pharmaceutical products. Therefore, in some cases, these potentially harmful compounds may pass directly through the treatment process.
Independent studies (separate from tests required by the Safe Drinking Water Act) have discovered trace pharmaceutical waste in tap water in various US cities, including anti-cholesterol drugs, hormonal supplements, painkillers, and antibiotics such as tetracycline.
Scientists are collectively unsure of any human health effects associated with consuming minute quantities of pharmaceutical waste in drinking water. However, known hormone system disrupting chemicals, such as estrogen-mimicking compounds, are now linked to developmental and reproductive changes in fish (specifically an alarming "feminisation" effect seen in male fish).
The EPA's website acknowledges that human fetal exposure to low levels of unintended medicines in drinking water requires more investigation. Furthermore, a specially formed EPA committee has recommended a staggering list of over 60,000 chemicals for hormone system disruption screening alone.
Drawing from the Chao Phya
Bangkok draws its tap water mainly from the Chao Phya River; a source likely containing similar contaminants now confirmed in American waters. The Bang Khen treatment plant operated by the Bangkok Metropolitan Waterworks Authority (BMWA) utilises aggressive, yet primarily conventional treatment processes: coagulation, sedimentation, filtration, and disinfection with chlorine.
Preliminary investigations by the US EPA have revealed that conventional treatment processes are generally ineffective at removing trace pharmaceutical contamination. The reverse-osmosis treatment process (used to desalinate sea water) has been shown to remove a significant portion of certain pharmaceutical compounds. However, Bangkok's tap water is not treated by reverse osmosis.
The BMWA maintains that its treated water exceeds tap water safety standards set by the World Health Organisation (WHO). Impressive as this feat may be (especially when considering the state of the Chao Phya River), WHO's drinking water standards are similar to those set by the US EPA.
The Chao Phya River is certainly polluted by more than the 100 or so contaminants covered by WHO's standards. Therefore, we might assume that, similar to municipal tap water in the US, Bangkok's tap water is contaminated to some degree with unknown types and concentrations of unregulated contaminants, including pharmaceutically-active compounds (think Viagra).
Pepsi Company recently disclosed that their popular Aquafina bottled water is actually ordinary tap water. However, not all bottled water is equal. Artesian or spring bottled groundwater is likely "pure" compared to most tap water sources, because it typically derives from more protected or virgin ecosystems with much lower potential for impact by unregulated pollutants or chemical disinfection by-products.
Evian brand, for example, originates as snowmelt high in the Alps and slowly filters through thousands of feet of mountain before day-lighting clean enough to negate the need for chemical treatment prior to bottling.
Going green is not as black and white as we like to think. Perhaps the eco-police should scrutinise more hedonistic consumptive pleasures - like alcohol, tobacco, skin-whitening lotion, or even microwave popcorn.
Drink all of the recycled tap water you want. I'm sticking to Perrier, and I feel fine.
Gordon McEvoy is a currently licensed (Colorado, Class "A") public water system operator.
Race is on in the USA
EDITORIAL
Race is on in the USA
In just five days, on January 5, 2008, American voters will begin the formal selection of presidential candidates for the two major political parties with the Iowa caucuses. Then, over the next month the presidential hopefuls will contest in a grueling series of primaries and caucuses which culminates in Super Tuesday on Feb 5, when 28 states will select candidates from both parties and in two more only Democrats will indicate their preference. The actual designation of the presidential and vice presidential nominees who will contest in the national election won't be made until the Democratic and Republican conventions some time during the summer, but by Super Tuesday, and likely well before, it will almost certainly be decided.
The common wisdom says that after eight years of Republican George W Bush, the war in Iraq, a worsening economy and a dimming of the American star around the globe, the Democrats are a shoo-in for the White House, but in fact there are several scenarios that could make it a close race. Foremost of these is the perception of a heightened terrorist threat, or worse, another major terrorist attack inside US borders, or possibly even outside. The Republicans are still regarded by many as the most competent in security matters. The Bush administration has been willing to surrender personal liberties and accepted international codes of humanitarian conduct in the name of security, and in the last election successfully painted those who disagreed as "soft on terror".
In fact there is little evidence to suggest that these trade-offs have actually made the country any more secure, and a great deal that indicates they have severely damaged America's reputation around the world. There is also evidence that Americans are losing the hysteria surrounding terrorism that accompanied 9-11 and are seeking a more pragmatic approach to root it out, one which does not require the abandonment of basic values.
Nevertheless, security will be a major issue in the presidential contest, and possibly the major issue, depending on the state of the economy. Any candidate who can't sound convincingly tough, Republican or Democrat, has little chance to become president.
But in all likelihood the common wisdom is correct, because when you get right down to it, Americans on the whole seem as ready for a symbolic change in Washington as does the rest of the world.
That means that the next president of the United States will probably be New York Senator Hillary Clinton, Illinois Senator Barack Obama or North Carolina Senator John Edwards, all of whom are running well in Iowa.
A Boston Globe article last week implied that part of the appeal of both Mrs Clinton and Mr Obama is that they represent such a symbolic change - she would be the first female, while he would be the first black, president of the US, and that this was helping to propel their campaigns because many Americans desperately want to send a signal to the rest of the world that the past eight years are an anomaly.
Ironically, it is the white Southern man, John Edwards, who is probably the most progressive of the bunch. His campaign message is all about addressing the growing inequality in wealth and opportunity in America, something which should also resonate well around the world. And, the recent flap about a labour union-funded advertising blitz on his behalf not-withstanding, he backs up his principles by not accepting money from corporate lobbyists, an obvious first step to eliminating improper influence by special interest groups. In the US the frontrunner in the primary season becomes the presidential candidate and the vice presidential candidate is often picked from the rest of the field. Senator Edwards may or may not be the Democratic candidate in 2008, but it would be a shame to lose his voice in the campaign.
Race is on in the USA
In just five days, on January 5, 2008, American voters will begin the formal selection of presidential candidates for the two major political parties with the Iowa caucuses. Then, over the next month the presidential hopefuls will contest in a grueling series of primaries and caucuses which culminates in Super Tuesday on Feb 5, when 28 states will select candidates from both parties and in two more only Democrats will indicate their preference. The actual designation of the presidential and vice presidential nominees who will contest in the national election won't be made until the Democratic and Republican conventions some time during the summer, but by Super Tuesday, and likely well before, it will almost certainly be decided.
The common wisdom says that after eight years of Republican George W Bush, the war in Iraq, a worsening economy and a dimming of the American star around the globe, the Democrats are a shoo-in for the White House, but in fact there are several scenarios that could make it a close race. Foremost of these is the perception of a heightened terrorist threat, or worse, another major terrorist attack inside US borders, or possibly even outside. The Republicans are still regarded by many as the most competent in security matters. The Bush administration has been willing to surrender personal liberties and accepted international codes of humanitarian conduct in the name of security, and in the last election successfully painted those who disagreed as "soft on terror".
In fact there is little evidence to suggest that these trade-offs have actually made the country any more secure, and a great deal that indicates they have severely damaged America's reputation around the world. There is also evidence that Americans are losing the hysteria surrounding terrorism that accompanied 9-11 and are seeking a more pragmatic approach to root it out, one which does not require the abandonment of basic values.
Nevertheless, security will be a major issue in the presidential contest, and possibly the major issue, depending on the state of the economy. Any candidate who can't sound convincingly tough, Republican or Democrat, has little chance to become president.
But in all likelihood the common wisdom is correct, because when you get right down to it, Americans on the whole seem as ready for a symbolic change in Washington as does the rest of the world.
That means that the next president of the United States will probably be New York Senator Hillary Clinton, Illinois Senator Barack Obama or North Carolina Senator John Edwards, all of whom are running well in Iowa.
A Boston Globe article last week implied that part of the appeal of both Mrs Clinton and Mr Obama is that they represent such a symbolic change - she would be the first female, while he would be the first black, president of the US, and that this was helping to propel their campaigns because many Americans desperately want to send a signal to the rest of the world that the past eight years are an anomaly.
Ironically, it is the white Southern man, John Edwards, who is probably the most progressive of the bunch. His campaign message is all about addressing the growing inequality in wealth and opportunity in America, something which should also resonate well around the world. And, the recent flap about a labour union-funded advertising blitz on his behalf not-withstanding, he backs up his principles by not accepting money from corporate lobbyists, an obvious first step to eliminating improper influence by special interest groups. In the US the frontrunner in the primary season becomes the presidential candidate and the vice presidential candidate is often picked from the rest of the field. Senator Edwards may or may not be the Democratic candidate in 2008, but it would be a shame to lose his voice in the campaign.
Facing the end-game
Facing the end-game
Unless the international community pushes for modification of the junta's political roadmap, a continuation of the conflict in Burma is a certainty, writes MIN ZIN
Recent weeks have been frustrating for Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma's democracy icon. Hope of starting political dialogue with the regime's supremo, Senior General Than Shwe, is now dim.
Gen Than Shwe
Although there was an agreement to hold weekly meetings every Monday between Suu Kyi and government liaison minister Aung Kyi, the regime has gone back on its word. No meeting has taken place between Suu Kyi and Aung Kyi since November 19. Moreover, the military's promise of allowing two liaison officials from her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), to see her regularly has yet to be realised.
"Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been trying very hard to keep the communication channel open," said a senior party official on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to speak to the media. "She even plans to give a positive response to the preconditions of junta leader Senior General Than Shwe. But the regime has simply ignored her."
The frustration is now spreading within the international community. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon warned Burma during his recent trip to Asia that the international community expects to see some productive developments. "I know the international community is very much impatient, and our patience is running out," Ban said in Bangkok.
Meanwhile, the junta is sending mixed signals to the international community. In his official briefing on November 6, Information Minister Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan, a staunch junta hardliner, told UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari that the government's cooperation with the UN could be jeopardised if his performance were viewed to be "unfair and one-sided." Kyaw Hsan told Gambari straight that "your opportunity to play a constructive role in the matter may be in harm's way." However, when Burmese Prime Minister Gen Thein Sein received Gambari on the following day, the general reiterated his government's full confidence in and support for the secretary-general's good offices.
"The prime minister invited me to return to Myanmar - in his words - 'again, again and again'," Gambari said at a briefing to the UN Security Council on November 13.
Moreover, as a gesture in response to the UN's persistent demand for an inclusive constitutional process, Thein Sein told Gambari that the government would allow him to meet with its Constitutional Drafting Commission to discuss ways of broadening the constitutional process.
On the other hand, at his press conference on December 3, Kyaw Hsan said that the government's 54-member commission for drafting the new constitution is sufficient for the task.
"No assistance or advice from other persons is required," he said, adding that "it is not reasonable or fair to amend those principles adopted by the delegates (of the National Convention)." Kyaw Hsan ruled out the possibility of a role for the opposition to play in the constitutional drafting process, which constitutes the highly important first three stages of the regime's "Seven Step Roadmap to Democracy".
In fact, the military is testing the response of the international community by sending out such mixed messages. If the international community, especially China and Asean (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations), takes a passive stand or backs down, the regime will push forward with a hardline stance. When Asean caved in to the demands of the regime by not allowing Gambari to give a Burma briefing at the Asean summit in November, hardliners in Rangoon celebrated their victory and started scratching the regular scheduled meetings with Suu Kyi.
"Burma's military leadership is just trying to do the absolute minimum transition and reconciliation possible," Priscilla Clapp, a US diplomat who served as chief of mission in Burma from 1999-2002, told this writer. "They will continue with their seven step plan, moving very slowly, and wait for the international community to lose interest and turn the other way."
'Not too late'
However, some analysts and activists believe that the junta's roadmap' could still be a viable option for Burma's transition if it were modified to become inclusive and time-bound. They think that the junta is resisting, not rejecting, the possibility of accommodation.
"It is not too late yet. If the international community could push the regime to open up the constitutional drafting process before a national referendum, the fourth stage of the seven-step plan, we still have time to find common ground for negotiation for Burma's political transition," said Dr Thaung Tun, UN representative of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), the Burmese government in exile. In fact, this is just what 92 elected members of Parliament from inside Burma called for in August 2007. They urged the regime to modify the roadmap, which is now aimed at legalising military supremacy in Burma's future.
The elected MPs said that if the regime made it inclusive, they would like to cooperate and find a political solution within the roadmap framework. Almost all major political and ethnic groups in Burma have agreed with the political proposal of the 92 elected MPs.
This is also in line with the UN's persistent demand as Gambari made clear when he said: "The Secretary-General did not reject the seven step roadmap and what he would like to suggest were inclusiveness and a time frame."
However, if the regime refused to modify the roadmap and continued its unilateral plan, the nature of Burma's conflict would become zero-sum. The 92 elected MPs have vowed to oppose the junta's sham constitution and to educate and organise the people of Burma to vote against it in the referendum.
Pro-democracy grassroot activists inside Burma as well as abroad also declare that the regime's planned referendum will be showdown time for Burma if the military fails to modify the roadmap. They say there will be almost no chance to reverse legalisation of military domination after a referendum, since the next three steps will be to "(5) hold free and fair elections; (6) convene elected bodies and (7) create government organs instituted by the legislative body."
"The principles of the constitution drafted by the military are laid out with the premise and concept that the 'military is the master and civilians are slaves',"said Tun Myint Aung, a leader of the 88 Generation Students Group, speaking from his hideout inside Burma. "We are now preparing to educate the people and launch a 'No Vote Campaign' against the referendum."
Some analysts even argue that another mass protest against the junta may break out before the referendum, as a combination of poverty and repression fuels the public's anger. No matter whether or not the opposition activists succeed in derailing the military's roadmap with mass protests, the nature and consequences of the conflict in Burma will be devastating, with more violent crackdowns and human suffering. The international community must be aware of this grim scenario and act resolutely to prevent it.
* Min Zin is an independent Burmese journalist.
Unless the international community pushes for modification of the junta's political roadmap, a continuation of the conflict in Burma is a certainty, writes MIN ZIN
Recent weeks have been frustrating for Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma's democracy icon. Hope of starting political dialogue with the regime's supremo, Senior General Than Shwe, is now dim.
Gen Than Shwe
Although there was an agreement to hold weekly meetings every Monday between Suu Kyi and government liaison minister Aung Kyi, the regime has gone back on its word. No meeting has taken place between Suu Kyi and Aung Kyi since November 19. Moreover, the military's promise of allowing two liaison officials from her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), to see her regularly has yet to be realised.
"Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been trying very hard to keep the communication channel open," said a senior party official on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to speak to the media. "She even plans to give a positive response to the preconditions of junta leader Senior General Than Shwe. But the regime has simply ignored her."
The frustration is now spreading within the international community. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon warned Burma during his recent trip to Asia that the international community expects to see some productive developments. "I know the international community is very much impatient, and our patience is running out," Ban said in Bangkok.
Meanwhile, the junta is sending mixed signals to the international community. In his official briefing on November 6, Information Minister Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan, a staunch junta hardliner, told UN Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari that the government's cooperation with the UN could be jeopardised if his performance were viewed to be "unfair and one-sided." Kyaw Hsan told Gambari straight that "your opportunity to play a constructive role in the matter may be in harm's way." However, when Burmese Prime Minister Gen Thein Sein received Gambari on the following day, the general reiterated his government's full confidence in and support for the secretary-general's good offices.
"The prime minister invited me to return to Myanmar - in his words - 'again, again and again'," Gambari said at a briefing to the UN Security Council on November 13.
Moreover, as a gesture in response to the UN's persistent demand for an inclusive constitutional process, Thein Sein told Gambari that the government would allow him to meet with its Constitutional Drafting Commission to discuss ways of broadening the constitutional process.
On the other hand, at his press conference on December 3, Kyaw Hsan said that the government's 54-member commission for drafting the new constitution is sufficient for the task.
"No assistance or advice from other persons is required," he said, adding that "it is not reasonable or fair to amend those principles adopted by the delegates (of the National Convention)." Kyaw Hsan ruled out the possibility of a role for the opposition to play in the constitutional drafting process, which constitutes the highly important first three stages of the regime's "Seven Step Roadmap to Democracy".
In fact, the military is testing the response of the international community by sending out such mixed messages. If the international community, especially China and Asean (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations), takes a passive stand or backs down, the regime will push forward with a hardline stance. When Asean caved in to the demands of the regime by not allowing Gambari to give a Burma briefing at the Asean summit in November, hardliners in Rangoon celebrated their victory and started scratching the regular scheduled meetings with Suu Kyi.
"Burma's military leadership is just trying to do the absolute minimum transition and reconciliation possible," Priscilla Clapp, a US diplomat who served as chief of mission in Burma from 1999-2002, told this writer. "They will continue with their seven step plan, moving very slowly, and wait for the international community to lose interest and turn the other way."
'Not too late'
However, some analysts and activists believe that the junta's roadmap' could still be a viable option for Burma's transition if it were modified to become inclusive and time-bound. They think that the junta is resisting, not rejecting, the possibility of accommodation.
"It is not too late yet. If the international community could push the regime to open up the constitutional drafting process before a national referendum, the fourth stage of the seven-step plan, we still have time to find common ground for negotiation for Burma's political transition," said Dr Thaung Tun, UN representative of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), the Burmese government in exile. In fact, this is just what 92 elected members of Parliament from inside Burma called for in August 2007. They urged the regime to modify the roadmap, which is now aimed at legalising military supremacy in Burma's future.
The elected MPs said that if the regime made it inclusive, they would like to cooperate and find a political solution within the roadmap framework. Almost all major political and ethnic groups in Burma have agreed with the political proposal of the 92 elected MPs.
This is also in line with the UN's persistent demand as Gambari made clear when he said: "The Secretary-General did not reject the seven step roadmap and what he would like to suggest were inclusiveness and a time frame."
However, if the regime refused to modify the roadmap and continued its unilateral plan, the nature of Burma's conflict would become zero-sum. The 92 elected MPs have vowed to oppose the junta's sham constitution and to educate and organise the people of Burma to vote against it in the referendum.
Pro-democracy grassroot activists inside Burma as well as abroad also declare that the regime's planned referendum will be showdown time for Burma if the military fails to modify the roadmap. They say there will be almost no chance to reverse legalisation of military domination after a referendum, since the next three steps will be to "(5) hold free and fair elections; (6) convene elected bodies and (7) create government organs instituted by the legislative body."
"The principles of the constitution drafted by the military are laid out with the premise and concept that the 'military is the master and civilians are slaves',"said Tun Myint Aung, a leader of the 88 Generation Students Group, speaking from his hideout inside Burma. "We are now preparing to educate the people and launch a 'No Vote Campaign' against the referendum."
Some analysts even argue that another mass protest against the junta may break out before the referendum, as a combination of poverty and repression fuels the public's anger. No matter whether or not the opposition activists succeed in derailing the military's roadmap with mass protests, the nature and consequences of the conflict in Burma will be devastating, with more violent crackdowns and human suffering. The international community must be aware of this grim scenario and act resolutely to prevent it.
* Min Zin is an independent Burmese journalist.
Burma's secret war
Burma's secret war
Tens of thousands have been killed and displaced in a decades-long fight between fighters from the Shan ethnic minority and the ruling State Peace and Development Council, writes GEORGE McLEOD from Shan State, Burma
'We will never give up" says Colonel Yawd Serk, the head of Burma's largest rebel army, the Shan State Army (SSA), from his base atop a cold, windy mountain in southern Burma.
Although only a few hundred yards from the Thai border, the rebel camp of Loi Taleng might as well be a thousand miles from its peaceful neighbour. Uniformed troops armed with AK-47s and M-16s march through the muddy streets, preparing to meet their larger and better-equipped enemy on Burma's killing fields.
"We are not afraid," says Yawd Serk "We know that we have no choice - we cannot surrender."
September's protests in the Burmese commercial capital of Rangoon grabbed international headlines, but a war deep in Burma's jungles has long raged hidden from world view. Tens of thousands have been killed and displaced in a decades-long fight between pro-independence guerillas from the Shan ethnic minority and the Burmese junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).
The war is fuelled by a desire to secure natural resources and what human rights groups say is a virtual ethnic cleansing campaign at the hands of the SPDC, who see Shan nationalism as a threat to the regime.
"It's a dire situation, and it is largely being ignored by the world. We are hearing reports of the [Burmese army] using forced labour and stealing land and crops. I have heard reports of soldiers coming into villages and just opening fire," says Mark Farmaner from the UK-based Burma Campaign.
"What happened in Rangoon in September happens almost every day in Shan State," says Farmaner, referring to the shooting of pro-democracy protesters in September, 2007.
Burma has been ruled by a strong-armed junta since 1962, and is accused of crushing dissent through arrest and torture. An international outcry ensued after the junta suppressed protests in September, 2007, and authorities continue to hold Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest in Rangoon.
An enemy base of the United Wa State Army lies within shouting distance of Shan State Army's front lines.
Soldiers return from a patrol in the mountainous jungles of southern Burma.
Less well-known is the plight of Burma's ethnic minorities, many of whom have taken up arms against the junta. Some groups have signed ceasefire agreements with the SPDC, but the SSA is among the armies that has continued to fight. The Shan share a separate language, writing system and culture from the Burmese, and consider themselves similar to Thais.
"The Shan have an incredibly strong claim to being completely different from the Burmese. The reason I think they [the SPDC] do it [the brutal measures] is because they see the Shan as a direct challenge to their rule," says David Mathieson, a New York-based consultant with Human Rights Watch.
Shan State stretches across Burma from the Thai to the Chinese border, and includes some of the country's richest forests and mineral deposits.
The SSA calls Burmese troops an occupying force and says it is fighting to "evict Burmese invaders" from its territory. The Salween river also lies in Shan State, and Thai and Chinese companies are surveying the area to build a massive $8 billion dam, which has meant frequent security operations near the dam site.
In the interior of the state, tens of thousands of civilians have been caught in free-fire zones established by the junta to weed out rebels. Being caught one of these zones meant slavery and the loss of a limb for one refugee, 48-year-old Tu Nong.
"The SPDC came to my village and forced us to carry their weapons and supplies. Anyone who refused was killed... I stepped on a mine in the forest and the soldiers just left me there."
Nearby villagers rescued Tu Nong and he travelled for 18 months until reaching the Loi Taleng camp. He and about 800 others now live in a section set aside for internally displaced people.
"I don't like it here, but at least it is safe," he says.
Sai Yawd Merng, a soldier and spokesman for the Shan's Foreign Affairs Department, says that civilians near the front lines live in constant fear of attack.
"When the SPDC enter a village, the first thing they do is examine the hands of the villagers. If you don't have callouses on your hands, they assume that you are not a farmer and that you are a [SSA] soldier, so they kill you," he says.
In the north and centre of Shan State, daily battles occur between the SSA and SPDC and front line villages are often exposed to violent incursions by Burmese troops.
"There are considerable swaths of the country that are hot conflict zones where grotesque human rights violations occur on a regular basis - forced labour, sexual abuse of women, stealing by SPDC soldiers, punishing of villagers suspected of helping the SSA," says Mr Mathieson.
Six months training prepares soldiers for guerrilla war. Nearly one-thousand troops of the Shan State Army train each year at the Loi Taleng camp. Shan State Army commander Col Yawd Serk inspects new recruits at a rebel camp.
Threat always looms
Despite the apparent mismatch from the condition of the Loi Taleng base camp, the SSA look to be faring well against the SPDC. The camp centre spans three mountain tops and is complete with electricity, internet, roads, a hospital, a school and even a guest house with a pool.
The hillsides are dotted with bunkers and tunnels and the hilltops lined with trenches. The SSA maintain a virtual state-within-a-state, with government ministries and, crucially, a large and growing army of more than 15,000.
Once heavily involved in opium production, the SSA says it has abandoned drugs entirely and now survives by taxes, and selling gems and timber concessions. One source said that the timber concessions cost about 500,000 Burmese kyat and that most of the timber is shipped into China or to Rangoon.
Many of the concessionaires are from China and Singapore, although one is allegedly the son-in-law of SPDC leader Than Shwe, says one SSA source.
North of the camp is a clandestine training ground where 300 new recruits prepare to join the war in the free-fire zones.
"Every Shan must serve for five years in the army. Regular soldiers receive six months training while officers train for eight months," says Sai Yawd Merng.
The trainees march in formation in SSA uniforms, each equipped with an AK-47 or M-16 and a 9mm pistol.
"This group is actually quite small. We have a new, larger group coming soon to train. We also have larger training camps along the border and in the jungle,' says Sai Yawd Merng.
But even in this relatively safe base, the threat of attack always looms.
Only a few miles away is the front line between the SSA and the United Wa State Army (UWSA), an ethnic army that is allied with the Burmese junta.
The two sides fought fierce battles two years ago, but remain at a stalemate.
Only a narrow valley divides the two armies, which lie within shouting distance of one another. The thick forest in between is peppered with land mines and metal razor traps waiting to rip apart the feet of any intruder that crosses into the no-man's-land. For now, says the commanding officer, the front is peaceful.
"Sometimes we shout at one another. Usually, it's just conversation, about what we are having for lunch," he says, not giving his name.
Despite the scale of the conflict in Shan State, the international community has given the issue almost no attention. When UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari visited Burma in December to encourage dialogue with the opposition, the SSA was not invited.
"The international response has been mute, ill-informed, unconcerned and completely ineffective. The international community has never really understood what is happening in Shan State," says Mr Mathieson.
While diplomats debate the future of the urban opposition, Yawd Serk says that the Shan State Army will fight on.
"We already have everything we need here. We have resources, people, a government and a democracy. All we need is international support."
Contact: georgemcleod@gmail.com
Tens of thousands have been killed and displaced in a decades-long fight between fighters from the Shan ethnic minority and the ruling State Peace and Development Council, writes GEORGE McLEOD from Shan State, Burma
'We will never give up" says Colonel Yawd Serk, the head of Burma's largest rebel army, the Shan State Army (SSA), from his base atop a cold, windy mountain in southern Burma.
Although only a few hundred yards from the Thai border, the rebel camp of Loi Taleng might as well be a thousand miles from its peaceful neighbour. Uniformed troops armed with AK-47s and M-16s march through the muddy streets, preparing to meet their larger and better-equipped enemy on Burma's killing fields.
"We are not afraid," says Yawd Serk "We know that we have no choice - we cannot surrender."
September's protests in the Burmese commercial capital of Rangoon grabbed international headlines, but a war deep in Burma's jungles has long raged hidden from world view. Tens of thousands have been killed and displaced in a decades-long fight between pro-independence guerillas from the Shan ethnic minority and the Burmese junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).
The war is fuelled by a desire to secure natural resources and what human rights groups say is a virtual ethnic cleansing campaign at the hands of the SPDC, who see Shan nationalism as a threat to the regime.
"It's a dire situation, and it is largely being ignored by the world. We are hearing reports of the [Burmese army] using forced labour and stealing land and crops. I have heard reports of soldiers coming into villages and just opening fire," says Mark Farmaner from the UK-based Burma Campaign.
"What happened in Rangoon in September happens almost every day in Shan State," says Farmaner, referring to the shooting of pro-democracy protesters in September, 2007.
Burma has been ruled by a strong-armed junta since 1962, and is accused of crushing dissent through arrest and torture. An international outcry ensued after the junta suppressed protests in September, 2007, and authorities continue to hold Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest in Rangoon.
An enemy base of the United Wa State Army lies within shouting distance of Shan State Army's front lines.
Soldiers return from a patrol in the mountainous jungles of southern Burma.
Less well-known is the plight of Burma's ethnic minorities, many of whom have taken up arms against the junta. Some groups have signed ceasefire agreements with the SPDC, but the SSA is among the armies that has continued to fight. The Shan share a separate language, writing system and culture from the Burmese, and consider themselves similar to Thais.
"The Shan have an incredibly strong claim to being completely different from the Burmese. The reason I think they [the SPDC] do it [the brutal measures] is because they see the Shan as a direct challenge to their rule," says David Mathieson, a New York-based consultant with Human Rights Watch.
Shan State stretches across Burma from the Thai to the Chinese border, and includes some of the country's richest forests and mineral deposits.
The SSA calls Burmese troops an occupying force and says it is fighting to "evict Burmese invaders" from its territory. The Salween river also lies in Shan State, and Thai and Chinese companies are surveying the area to build a massive $8 billion dam, which has meant frequent security operations near the dam site.
In the interior of the state, tens of thousands of civilians have been caught in free-fire zones established by the junta to weed out rebels. Being caught one of these zones meant slavery and the loss of a limb for one refugee, 48-year-old Tu Nong.
"The SPDC came to my village and forced us to carry their weapons and supplies. Anyone who refused was killed... I stepped on a mine in the forest and the soldiers just left me there."
Nearby villagers rescued Tu Nong and he travelled for 18 months until reaching the Loi Taleng camp. He and about 800 others now live in a section set aside for internally displaced people.
"I don't like it here, but at least it is safe," he says.
Sai Yawd Merng, a soldier and spokesman for the Shan's Foreign Affairs Department, says that civilians near the front lines live in constant fear of attack.
"When the SPDC enter a village, the first thing they do is examine the hands of the villagers. If you don't have callouses on your hands, they assume that you are not a farmer and that you are a [SSA] soldier, so they kill you," he says.
In the north and centre of Shan State, daily battles occur between the SSA and SPDC and front line villages are often exposed to violent incursions by Burmese troops.
"There are considerable swaths of the country that are hot conflict zones where grotesque human rights violations occur on a regular basis - forced labour, sexual abuse of women, stealing by SPDC soldiers, punishing of villagers suspected of helping the SSA," says Mr Mathieson.
Six months training prepares soldiers for guerrilla war. Nearly one-thousand troops of the Shan State Army train each year at the Loi Taleng camp. Shan State Army commander Col Yawd Serk inspects new recruits at a rebel camp.
Threat always looms
Despite the apparent mismatch from the condition of the Loi Taleng base camp, the SSA look to be faring well against the SPDC. The camp centre spans three mountain tops and is complete with electricity, internet, roads, a hospital, a school and even a guest house with a pool.
The hillsides are dotted with bunkers and tunnels and the hilltops lined with trenches. The SSA maintain a virtual state-within-a-state, with government ministries and, crucially, a large and growing army of more than 15,000.
Once heavily involved in opium production, the SSA says it has abandoned drugs entirely and now survives by taxes, and selling gems and timber concessions. One source said that the timber concessions cost about 500,000 Burmese kyat and that most of the timber is shipped into China or to Rangoon.
Many of the concessionaires are from China and Singapore, although one is allegedly the son-in-law of SPDC leader Than Shwe, says one SSA source.
North of the camp is a clandestine training ground where 300 new recruits prepare to join the war in the free-fire zones.
"Every Shan must serve for five years in the army. Regular soldiers receive six months training while officers train for eight months," says Sai Yawd Merng.
The trainees march in formation in SSA uniforms, each equipped with an AK-47 or M-16 and a 9mm pistol.
"This group is actually quite small. We have a new, larger group coming soon to train. We also have larger training camps along the border and in the jungle,' says Sai Yawd Merng.
But even in this relatively safe base, the threat of attack always looms.
Only a few miles away is the front line between the SSA and the United Wa State Army (UWSA), an ethnic army that is allied with the Burmese junta.
The two sides fought fierce battles two years ago, but remain at a stalemate.
Only a narrow valley divides the two armies, which lie within shouting distance of one another. The thick forest in between is peppered with land mines and metal razor traps waiting to rip apart the feet of any intruder that crosses into the no-man's-land. For now, says the commanding officer, the front is peaceful.
"Sometimes we shout at one another. Usually, it's just conversation, about what we are having for lunch," he says, not giving his name.
Despite the scale of the conflict in Shan State, the international community has given the issue almost no attention. When UN special envoy Ibrahim Gambari visited Burma in December to encourage dialogue with the opposition, the SSA was not invited.
"The international response has been mute, ill-informed, unconcerned and completely ineffective. The international community has never really understood what is happening in Shan State," says Mr Mathieson.
While diplomats debate the future of the urban opposition, Yawd Serk says that the Shan State Army will fight on.
"We already have everything we need here. We have resources, people, a government and a democracy. All we need is international support."
Contact: georgemcleod@gmail.com
Fear of being carded
Fear of being carded
The next two weeks should tell how much of an impact the Election Commission's judgements on alleged campaign improprieties will have on the setup of the new government, writes TUNYA SUKPANICH
In the week since the general election, the nation has witnessed only the outward signs of the intense struggle being waged by the two major political parties - People Power Party (PPP) and the Democrat Party - to form the next government.
Despite the fact that the PPP has won more seats and seems likely to succeed in joining hands with at least three small parties - Ruam Jai Thai Chat Pattana, Matchimatipataya and Pracharaj - its fate hangs under a cloud of uncertainty. There is a strong possibility of numerous yellow or even red cards which can bar candidates being handed down by the Election Commission (EC), and some critics even say that the EC decisions will have a deciding effect on the setup of the new government.
Yellow cards are issued for less serious violations of the Election Law, and candidates who have been issued yellow cards can stand again in the by-election, now scheduled for January 13. Red cards are issued for the most serious violations, and neither candidates or their parties can stand in the by-election.
As it stands now, it appears that the PPP has far more serious complaints lodged against it than other parties.
All minor parties - potential coalition partners - recognise this fact and are adopting a wait-and-see policy before making a final decision on whether to join with the PPP.
Chartthai Party leader Banharn Silpa-archa has said publicly several times that he would wait for the EC to take action on alleged election irregularities before making any political moves. He strongly believes that 10 or more red cards will be issued to disqualify winning candidates, and most of these will be from the PPP.
As it stands now, the PPP has 233 seats in Parliament and the Democrats have 165. It will take 241 for a simple majority, although of course any government will want to have substantially more members in its coalition for security.
Tight Time Frame
Democrat leader Abhisit Vejjajiva and his team tour the city thanking Bangkokians for their support.
Muslim villagers at a polling booth prior to casting their votes in Yala.
Soldiers queue up to vote at polling station 69 on Amnuaykarn Songkhram road opposite the 11th Army Circle in Dusit district.
According to the EC, from November 20 to the December 23 election day, its offices nationwide received a total of 1,030 complaints. However, 678 of these cases were dropped for lack of substantial evidence. Most of the allegations are in the North and Northeast, the strongholds of the PPP.
Of the remaining 352 cases, 139 have been sent to the central EC office to handle. The most serious of these are 38 vote buying allegations. Since the election, more complaints have been filed with the EC.
However, the EC is facing major restrictions on the number of cases it will be able to properly investigate, as it must approve winning candidates within 30 days of the polling.
Earlier the EC announced that the first group of candidates, those free of complaints against them, would be approved within seven days after election day, which is today. However, so far none of the winning candidates have been approved by the EC. It is expected that approval for the first group will come on Jan 4.
The second group are all of those facing complaints - major or minor. As noted, the EC must decide the fate of these candidates within 30 days.
It is thought that the EC will try to have a total of at least 456 candidates approved by Jan 22, as the new Constitution stipulates that at least 95% of the 480 MP seats must be filled before the House of Representatives can be convened.
The EC gives consideration to the by-election date of Jan 13 when prioritising the complaints, so that both constituencies and candidates can be prepared when yellow cards have been issued to winning candidates.
The EC has already yellow-carded three PPP candidates, Prasert Chantraruangthong, Linda Cherdchai and Boonlert Krutkhuntod, all winners in constituency 3 in Nakhon Ratchasima province. Supporters of these candidates were caught with cash and a list of eligible voters. However, the candidates and PPP executives are not especially worried, as they are confident they will be able to regain their seats in the by-election.
More PPP election winners in Lampang and Buri Ram and Si Sa Ket, Leoi and Udon Thani are said to be targeted for either yellow or red cards soon.
Possible Dissolution? According to Article 103 (2) of the Election Law, if there is evidence that political party executives support or are aware of any wrongdoing by candidates but fail to take action to stop it, the EC may propose that the Constitutional Court dissolve the party. In such a case, the party executives will be barred from holding any political posts or participating in any political activities for a period of five years.
Among several complaints sent to the EC that could bring about party dissolution, the most serious one is the allegation made by Veera Somkwamkid, secretary-general of the People's Network Against Corruption, that many VCDs which featured former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra urging people to vote for the PPP had been widely distributed in many provinces in the North and Northeast during election campaigns. As Mr Thaksin was the leader of the now-defunct Thai Rak Thai party, and has been charged with several crimes, and party executives presumably would have had to know about distribution of the VCDs, this could lead to dissolution of the PPP.
Pramaun Rujanaseri, leader of the Prachamati party, which gained no seats in the election, discounted the possibility, saying it would be a difficult and time consuming process to prove wrongdoing by party executives.
"The VCD is not so significant. Actually, it is well known that the PPP is under the influence of former prime minister Thaksin, but this is hard to prove," he said.
However, the political foe of Mr Thaksin speculated that the Chartthai and Puea Pandin parties feel reluctant to join in a coalition government with the PPP because they feel apprehensive about the connection to Mr Thaksin and the 110 other banned former TRT executives.
"The problem of the yellow and red cards is just their excuse. It is not that important. They are more concerned with negotiating for cabinet posts," said Mr Pramual.
He added that Mr Thaksin's supporters should not try to overturn the existing legal process investigating Mr Thaksin's alleged involvement in various corruption schemes by abolishing the Assets Scrutiny Committee.
Mr Pramaul said the PPP would have to bear the responsibility if they continue with their policy to whitewash Mr Thaksin's actions. This also applies to the Chartthai and Puea Pandin parties, since they issued memorandums saying they are willing to join with the PPP if Mr Thaksin does not enter or interfere in politics himself.
Dr Preecha Suwannathat, a lecturer on legal issues at Thammasat University, agreed that it would be difficult to find evidence to support the dissolution of the PPP.
"The situation is different from when Thai Rak Thai was dissolved," he said, noting that there was more evidence against TRT, but "that still took time."
Dr Chantana Suthijaree, of the Faculty of Political Science at Chiangmai University, said that before any complaint of election irregularities or election fraud can lead to red cards and party dissolution, the concerned authorities have to be able to explain their reasoning to the public. She agreed that the PPP is a proxy of Mr Thaksin's, but said this still must be proven. She accepted that the September 19 coup last year and the various legal processes undertaken by the interim government could not delete the ousted prime minister from Thai society.
"Thaksin has struggled and put up a big fight to remain in the hearts of the Thai people. He never disappears from the media. Along with his populist policies, he will be a part of this society," she said.
She added that as long as the PPP needed financial support, as well as policies which attract voters, the ex-prime minister would be able to fit himself into the political equation.
"In Thai political culture, the political leader or hero really exists. The people need a person who can offer them something new. At the same time, that person can prove himself or herself to have high potential if they do enough things differently," said Dr Chantana.
She noted that substantial tensions remain in Thai politics, and that leads to worry among many segments of society.
"We still have two camps - the old and the new powers. Reconciliation is far from becoming a reality."
She also suggest that if the PPP can successfully set up the next government, certain issues which will invariably lead to conflicts and confrontation should be left alone.
"It is not wise to stir up conflicts once again. Economic problems should be tackled first," said the professor.
She saw some reason for optimism in the political and democratic development of Thai society."
"Besides the direct democratic representation through the elections, we also have people's movements which can check and balance both the government and the Parliament.
But Mr Pramual remained skeptical about political developments after last Sunday's election, saying that Mr Thaksin and his supporters don't want to be under any system of justice.
"We had an election and we will have a government soon. But I do not feel relieved at all. What I can do now is to prepare for the next election. It might come sooner than we think," he concluded.
The next two weeks should tell how much of an impact the Election Commission's judgements on alleged campaign improprieties will have on the setup of the new government, writes TUNYA SUKPANICH
In the week since the general election, the nation has witnessed only the outward signs of the intense struggle being waged by the two major political parties - People Power Party (PPP) and the Democrat Party - to form the next government.
Despite the fact that the PPP has won more seats and seems likely to succeed in joining hands with at least three small parties - Ruam Jai Thai Chat Pattana, Matchimatipataya and Pracharaj - its fate hangs under a cloud of uncertainty. There is a strong possibility of numerous yellow or even red cards which can bar candidates being handed down by the Election Commission (EC), and some critics even say that the EC decisions will have a deciding effect on the setup of the new government.
Yellow cards are issued for less serious violations of the Election Law, and candidates who have been issued yellow cards can stand again in the by-election, now scheduled for January 13. Red cards are issued for the most serious violations, and neither candidates or their parties can stand in the by-election.
As it stands now, it appears that the PPP has far more serious complaints lodged against it than other parties.
All minor parties - potential coalition partners - recognise this fact and are adopting a wait-and-see policy before making a final decision on whether to join with the PPP.
Chartthai Party leader Banharn Silpa-archa has said publicly several times that he would wait for the EC to take action on alleged election irregularities before making any political moves. He strongly believes that 10 or more red cards will be issued to disqualify winning candidates, and most of these will be from the PPP.
As it stands now, the PPP has 233 seats in Parliament and the Democrats have 165. It will take 241 for a simple majority, although of course any government will want to have substantially more members in its coalition for security.
Tight Time Frame
Democrat leader Abhisit Vejjajiva and his team tour the city thanking Bangkokians for their support.
Muslim villagers at a polling booth prior to casting their votes in Yala.
Soldiers queue up to vote at polling station 69 on Amnuaykarn Songkhram road opposite the 11th Army Circle in Dusit district.
According to the EC, from November 20 to the December 23 election day, its offices nationwide received a total of 1,030 complaints. However, 678 of these cases were dropped for lack of substantial evidence. Most of the allegations are in the North and Northeast, the strongholds of the PPP.
Of the remaining 352 cases, 139 have been sent to the central EC office to handle. The most serious of these are 38 vote buying allegations. Since the election, more complaints have been filed with the EC.
However, the EC is facing major restrictions on the number of cases it will be able to properly investigate, as it must approve winning candidates within 30 days of the polling.
Earlier the EC announced that the first group of candidates, those free of complaints against them, would be approved within seven days after election day, which is today. However, so far none of the winning candidates have been approved by the EC. It is expected that approval for the first group will come on Jan 4.
The second group are all of those facing complaints - major or minor. As noted, the EC must decide the fate of these candidates within 30 days.
It is thought that the EC will try to have a total of at least 456 candidates approved by Jan 22, as the new Constitution stipulates that at least 95% of the 480 MP seats must be filled before the House of Representatives can be convened.
The EC gives consideration to the by-election date of Jan 13 when prioritising the complaints, so that both constituencies and candidates can be prepared when yellow cards have been issued to winning candidates.
The EC has already yellow-carded three PPP candidates, Prasert Chantraruangthong, Linda Cherdchai and Boonlert Krutkhuntod, all winners in constituency 3 in Nakhon Ratchasima province. Supporters of these candidates were caught with cash and a list of eligible voters. However, the candidates and PPP executives are not especially worried, as they are confident they will be able to regain their seats in the by-election.
More PPP election winners in Lampang and Buri Ram and Si Sa Ket, Leoi and Udon Thani are said to be targeted for either yellow or red cards soon.
Possible Dissolution? According to Article 103 (2) of the Election Law, if there is evidence that political party executives support or are aware of any wrongdoing by candidates but fail to take action to stop it, the EC may propose that the Constitutional Court dissolve the party. In such a case, the party executives will be barred from holding any political posts or participating in any political activities for a period of five years.
Among several complaints sent to the EC that could bring about party dissolution, the most serious one is the allegation made by Veera Somkwamkid, secretary-general of the People's Network Against Corruption, that many VCDs which featured former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra urging people to vote for the PPP had been widely distributed in many provinces in the North and Northeast during election campaigns. As Mr Thaksin was the leader of the now-defunct Thai Rak Thai party, and has been charged with several crimes, and party executives presumably would have had to know about distribution of the VCDs, this could lead to dissolution of the PPP.
Pramaun Rujanaseri, leader of the Prachamati party, which gained no seats in the election, discounted the possibility, saying it would be a difficult and time consuming process to prove wrongdoing by party executives.
"The VCD is not so significant. Actually, it is well known that the PPP is under the influence of former prime minister Thaksin, but this is hard to prove," he said.
However, the political foe of Mr Thaksin speculated that the Chartthai and Puea Pandin parties feel reluctant to join in a coalition government with the PPP because they feel apprehensive about the connection to Mr Thaksin and the 110 other banned former TRT executives.
"The problem of the yellow and red cards is just their excuse. It is not that important. They are more concerned with negotiating for cabinet posts," said Mr Pramual.
He added that Mr Thaksin's supporters should not try to overturn the existing legal process investigating Mr Thaksin's alleged involvement in various corruption schemes by abolishing the Assets Scrutiny Committee.
Mr Pramaul said the PPP would have to bear the responsibility if they continue with their policy to whitewash Mr Thaksin's actions. This also applies to the Chartthai and Puea Pandin parties, since they issued memorandums saying they are willing to join with the PPP if Mr Thaksin does not enter or interfere in politics himself.
Dr Preecha Suwannathat, a lecturer on legal issues at Thammasat University, agreed that it would be difficult to find evidence to support the dissolution of the PPP.
"The situation is different from when Thai Rak Thai was dissolved," he said, noting that there was more evidence against TRT, but "that still took time."
Dr Chantana Suthijaree, of the Faculty of Political Science at Chiangmai University, said that before any complaint of election irregularities or election fraud can lead to red cards and party dissolution, the concerned authorities have to be able to explain their reasoning to the public. She agreed that the PPP is a proxy of Mr Thaksin's, but said this still must be proven. She accepted that the September 19 coup last year and the various legal processes undertaken by the interim government could not delete the ousted prime minister from Thai society.
"Thaksin has struggled and put up a big fight to remain in the hearts of the Thai people. He never disappears from the media. Along with his populist policies, he will be a part of this society," she said.
She added that as long as the PPP needed financial support, as well as policies which attract voters, the ex-prime minister would be able to fit himself into the political equation.
"In Thai political culture, the political leader or hero really exists. The people need a person who can offer them something new. At the same time, that person can prove himself or herself to have high potential if they do enough things differently," said Dr Chantana.
She noted that substantial tensions remain in Thai politics, and that leads to worry among many segments of society.
"We still have two camps - the old and the new powers. Reconciliation is far from becoming a reality."
She also suggest that if the PPP can successfully set up the next government, certain issues which will invariably lead to conflicts and confrontation should be left alone.
"It is not wise to stir up conflicts once again. Economic problems should be tackled first," said the professor.
She saw some reason for optimism in the political and democratic development of Thai society."
"Besides the direct democratic representation through the elections, we also have people's movements which can check and balance both the government and the Parliament.
But Mr Pramual remained skeptical about political developments after last Sunday's election, saying that Mr Thaksin and his supporters don't want to be under any system of justice.
"We had an election and we will have a government soon. But I do not feel relieved at all. What I can do now is to prepare for the next election. It might come sooner than we think," he concluded.
People Power TRIUMPHS
People Power TRIUMPHS
The victory of the People Power Party last Sunday must have been sweet for the former prime minister, but the shape of the next government is still far from clear, writes SONGPOL KAOPATUMTIP
Thaksin Shinawatra finally made it. Despite all the hurdles put in its way, the party that pledged to continue his political legacy emerged victorious in last Sunday's general election - a feat widely interpreted as a rejection of the Sept 19, 2006 coup that has since put him in exile.
For members of the People Power Party (PPP), which took 233 of 480 Lower House seats in the Dec 23 polls, it was a vindication of their staying power, which has been put to the test ever since their former party, Thai Rak Thai (TRT), was dissolved by the Constitutional Tribunal on May 30 of this year.
The resurgence of the PPP and the election outcome itself were remarkable - for a number of reasons.
For its part, the Council for National Security (CNS) cited four reasons for staging the coup, namely widespread corruption in the Thaksin administration, interference in independent organisations, actions deemed to be an affront to the monarchy, and social divisions caused by the administration.
By making Samak Sundaravej, a staunch royalist, leader of the PPP after the dissolution of his old party, Mr Thaksin had outmanoeuvred political opponents who might have used the royal card to smear the PPP, and thus dim its chance of winning.
Secondly, the election was held under the firm grip of the military. On the pretext of maintaining order, some 200,000 police and military personnel were deployed to help the Election Commission (EC) supervise the poll. Martial law is still in place in 31 of the 76 provinces, including those where the PPP's support was known to be strongest.
Despite all these measures and bombshell revelations about a secret military plot to undermine its election campaign, the PPP outperformed pollster predictions, which had foreseen a PPP win but with significantly fewer than the 233 parliamentary seats that it actually won. The PPP placed strongly in its northern and northeastern strongholds, winning 59 percent and 71 percent of the popular vote, respectively.
The Democrat Party, which the coup-makers tacitly backed as the alternative to the PPP, swept its traditional stronghold in the South as well as Bangkok, where last year's coup was warmly embraced by Mr Thaksin's opponents. The party also outperformed pollster expectations. But with just 165 parliamentary seats under his control, Democrat leader Abhisit Vejjajiva has had to stay on the sidelines as the PPP tries to cobble up a coalition with smaller parties.
Mr Samak campaigning in Bangkok.
Significantly, many TRT defectors who had distanced themselves from Thaksin did not fare well either. For example, Puea Pandin Party leader Suvit Khunkitti, a former TRT lieutenant and longtime MP for Khon Kaen province, was defeated by PPP candidates in his own turf.
With the PPP now set to form a new coalition government with smaller parties that comprise mostly former TRT loyalists, all eyes are now on Mr Thaksin.
Interviewed by reporters in Hong Kong last Tuesday, the former prime minister expressed his wish to return to Thailand to clear himself of the corruption charges brought by the CNS-appointed Assets Scrutiny Committee (ASC). He also declared that he would not re-enter politics.
But in a statement likely to upset his many enemies, Mr Samak repeated his pledge last Sunday during an interview with CNN to reverse the Constitutional Tribunal ruling that disbanded the TRT and barred 111 of the party's executive members, including Mr Thaksin, from politics for five years for electoral fraud.
Coup no cure for corruption
But legal remedies alone won't be enough to right the country's course. Real change will require a fundamental overhaul of the way the country is governed, clearing up corruption and giving people more say in local and national administration. That won't be easy, because respect for the rule of law and a belief in equality and freedom have yet to be fully instilled into our political culture.
Nonetheless, many people believe the real issue lies in how to prevent the military from interfering in the democratic process.
"You cannot end corruption by staging a coup," said respected academic Thanes Charoenmuang of Chiangmai University, in an interview with Prachatai newspaper last Tuesday.
What worries Thanes is the country's lack of a political culture in which members of a political party can question the ethics of their party leader or even call for an investigation into corruption charges against him.
"When accusations were levelled against Mr Thaksin, no one in his party took action. That allowed forces outside Parliament, particularly the middle classes in Bangkok, to call for his removal," he explained.
In his opinion, the outpouring of support for the PPP in the North and Northeast had little to do with regionalism. It was all about the economy.
"These voters had enjoyed the fruit of the economic boom under Thaksin. With the country's economy going nowhere during most of the past 15 months, they look again at Thaksin as their saviour," said Mr Thanes.
"Further analysis is needed to explain the strong showing of the Democrat Party in Bangkok, where it took 27 of 36 seats at stake. But my feeling is that Bangkok voters went so strongly for the Democrats in a vain attempt to avoid another political confrontation," said Mr Thanes. "They probably feared that the military would stage another coup if the PPP gained power."
On the ground, however, the shape of the next coalition government is still unclear. At the time of this writing late Friday afternoon, there were indications that the Democrat Party would be left out as the sole opposition party, paving the way for a six-party coalition government led by the PPP.
But with the military-appointed National Legislative Assembly (NLA) automatically assuming the role of a Senate after the elected Lower House is installed, the PPP-led government will likely find it difficult to implement any constitutional amendments, including any attempt to reverse any draft laws passed in haste by the NLA during the past few months.
This interim Senate will stay on until after the EC has organised an election - tentatively set for March 2 - for 76 members of the 150-strong Upper House, as required by the new constitution. The remaining 74 Upper House seats will be filled by a panel selected from the higher courts and other state bodies - a requirement that likely will enable the military and its allies to retain some control of the Senate, which will also have the power, with a three-fifths majority, to impeach the prime minister and any elected members of the Lower House.
More importantly, the NLA passed the controversial new Internal Security Act (ISA) just two days before the election. The legislation gives the Internal Security Operations Command (Isoc) extensive power to contain domestic dissent and detain suspected threats to national security for six months without trial. This is hardly a situation that the next government would like to confront - while ensuring that the economy will not worsen under growing international financial uncertainty.
The victory of the People Power Party last Sunday must have been sweet for the former prime minister, but the shape of the next government is still far from clear, writes SONGPOL KAOPATUMTIP
Thaksin Shinawatra finally made it. Despite all the hurdles put in its way, the party that pledged to continue his political legacy emerged victorious in last Sunday's general election - a feat widely interpreted as a rejection of the Sept 19, 2006 coup that has since put him in exile.
For members of the People Power Party (PPP), which took 233 of 480 Lower House seats in the Dec 23 polls, it was a vindication of their staying power, which has been put to the test ever since their former party, Thai Rak Thai (TRT), was dissolved by the Constitutional Tribunal on May 30 of this year.
The resurgence of the PPP and the election outcome itself were remarkable - for a number of reasons.
For its part, the Council for National Security (CNS) cited four reasons for staging the coup, namely widespread corruption in the Thaksin administration, interference in independent organisations, actions deemed to be an affront to the monarchy, and social divisions caused by the administration.
By making Samak Sundaravej, a staunch royalist, leader of the PPP after the dissolution of his old party, Mr Thaksin had outmanoeuvred political opponents who might have used the royal card to smear the PPP, and thus dim its chance of winning.
Secondly, the election was held under the firm grip of the military. On the pretext of maintaining order, some 200,000 police and military personnel were deployed to help the Election Commission (EC) supervise the poll. Martial law is still in place in 31 of the 76 provinces, including those where the PPP's support was known to be strongest.
Despite all these measures and bombshell revelations about a secret military plot to undermine its election campaign, the PPP outperformed pollster predictions, which had foreseen a PPP win but with significantly fewer than the 233 parliamentary seats that it actually won. The PPP placed strongly in its northern and northeastern strongholds, winning 59 percent and 71 percent of the popular vote, respectively.
The Democrat Party, which the coup-makers tacitly backed as the alternative to the PPP, swept its traditional stronghold in the South as well as Bangkok, where last year's coup was warmly embraced by Mr Thaksin's opponents. The party also outperformed pollster expectations. But with just 165 parliamentary seats under his control, Democrat leader Abhisit Vejjajiva has had to stay on the sidelines as the PPP tries to cobble up a coalition with smaller parties.
Mr Samak campaigning in Bangkok.
Significantly, many TRT defectors who had distanced themselves from Thaksin did not fare well either. For example, Puea Pandin Party leader Suvit Khunkitti, a former TRT lieutenant and longtime MP for Khon Kaen province, was defeated by PPP candidates in his own turf.
With the PPP now set to form a new coalition government with smaller parties that comprise mostly former TRT loyalists, all eyes are now on Mr Thaksin.
Interviewed by reporters in Hong Kong last Tuesday, the former prime minister expressed his wish to return to Thailand to clear himself of the corruption charges brought by the CNS-appointed Assets Scrutiny Committee (ASC). He also declared that he would not re-enter politics.
But in a statement likely to upset his many enemies, Mr Samak repeated his pledge last Sunday during an interview with CNN to reverse the Constitutional Tribunal ruling that disbanded the TRT and barred 111 of the party's executive members, including Mr Thaksin, from politics for five years for electoral fraud.
Coup no cure for corruption
But legal remedies alone won't be enough to right the country's course. Real change will require a fundamental overhaul of the way the country is governed, clearing up corruption and giving people more say in local and national administration. That won't be easy, because respect for the rule of law and a belief in equality and freedom have yet to be fully instilled into our political culture.
Nonetheless, many people believe the real issue lies in how to prevent the military from interfering in the democratic process.
"You cannot end corruption by staging a coup," said respected academic Thanes Charoenmuang of Chiangmai University, in an interview with Prachatai newspaper last Tuesday.
What worries Thanes is the country's lack of a political culture in which members of a political party can question the ethics of their party leader or even call for an investigation into corruption charges against him.
"When accusations were levelled against Mr Thaksin, no one in his party took action. That allowed forces outside Parliament, particularly the middle classes in Bangkok, to call for his removal," he explained.
In his opinion, the outpouring of support for the PPP in the North and Northeast had little to do with regionalism. It was all about the economy.
"These voters had enjoyed the fruit of the economic boom under Thaksin. With the country's economy going nowhere during most of the past 15 months, they look again at Thaksin as their saviour," said Mr Thanes.
"Further analysis is needed to explain the strong showing of the Democrat Party in Bangkok, where it took 27 of 36 seats at stake. But my feeling is that Bangkok voters went so strongly for the Democrats in a vain attempt to avoid another political confrontation," said Mr Thanes. "They probably feared that the military would stage another coup if the PPP gained power."
On the ground, however, the shape of the next coalition government is still unclear. At the time of this writing late Friday afternoon, there were indications that the Democrat Party would be left out as the sole opposition party, paving the way for a six-party coalition government led by the PPP.
But with the military-appointed National Legislative Assembly (NLA) automatically assuming the role of a Senate after the elected Lower House is installed, the PPP-led government will likely find it difficult to implement any constitutional amendments, including any attempt to reverse any draft laws passed in haste by the NLA during the past few months.
This interim Senate will stay on until after the EC has organised an election - tentatively set for March 2 - for 76 members of the 150-strong Upper House, as required by the new constitution. The remaining 74 Upper House seats will be filled by a panel selected from the higher courts and other state bodies - a requirement that likely will enable the military and its allies to retain some control of the Senate, which will also have the power, with a three-fifths majority, to impeach the prime minister and any elected members of the Lower House.
More importantly, the NLA passed the controversial new Internal Security Act (ISA) just two days before the election. The legislation gives the Internal Security Operations Command (Isoc) extensive power to contain domestic dissent and detain suspected threats to national security for six months without trial. This is hardly a situation that the next government would like to confront - while ensuring that the economy will not worsen under growing international financial uncertainty.
Thursday, December 20, 2007
End ethnic discrimination
POSTBAG
End ethnic discrimination
E-mail: postbag@bangkokpost.co.th / Snail mail: 136 Na Ranong Road, Klong Toey, Bangkok 10110, Thailand
Thailand has always prided itself on being a nation which welcomes socio-cultural ethnic minority diversity with mindful tolerance and compassionate understanding.
Short-sighted vindictive edicts imposed upon hapless migrant workers represent uncivil rights violations and unprincipled abuse of power restrictions.
The hard-working migrant workers, who came to Thailand with hopes of creating better lives and increasing future opportunities for themselves and their families, are instead confronted with distrust, disillusionment and discomforting hostility.
Unconscionable demands that pregnant labourers return to their native countries to give birth are heartlessly devoid of feeling.
Migrant workers share a simple common goal to be treated honestly and fairly, with dignity and respect.
DR CHANCHAI PRASERTSON
BANGKOK
------------
Superstore's response
We would like to respond to your Dec 9, 2007 article entitled "Crowding mom-and-pop."
In that article, there were many assertions about our company which were misleading and untrue. More importantly, the article provided readers with an incorrect understanding about the way we do business and the relationship that we have with suppliers and small shops.
First of all, on the matter of small shops, the article claims that an estimated 100,000 local retail stores have gone out of business because of superstores. And that these stores are a threat to mom-and-pop shops.
The truth is the contrary. According to latest estimates by an independent marketing research company, there are over 680,000 mom-and-pop shops in Thailand.
Approximately 15,000 new mom-and-pop shops are being set up annually.
Many of the new stores, especially in rural areas, came into being mainly because of superstores.
As recently as 15 years ago, village mom-and-pop stores had to rely on the middlemen or the wholesaler network to deliver household consumer products to them.
Whether or not the goods would be delivered to them would be up to the mercy of these middlemen and wholesalers.
Today, those who want to operate mom-and-pop shops either pool together to come buy the goods from superstores in the main provincial towns or individual owners would come and do their own shopping.
These mom-and-pop shops are now independent business owners liberated from the pressures from the middlemen and the traditional wholesaler network.
In large districts, there are approximately 150-170 villages. In each province, there can be around 15 to 20 districts. Multiply the numbers and we will get thousands of new mom-and-pop shops in each of Thailand's 76 provinces every year.
Secondly, in the case of working with farmers, we take pride in the fact that we directly contribute to the improvement of the livelihood of farmers and families through close cooperation with them.
At present, it is estimated that over 10,000 farming families across the country sell their produce to Tesco Lotus through the local farmers' co-op.
Last year alone, we bought over 247,000 tons of fruit and vegetables directly from farmers worth over 1 billion baht.
Aside from buying farm produce directly from farmers at a fair price, we also help provide them with a steady and predictable income. More importantly, we work with them in improving the quality and safety of their produce which, in turn, has raised the quality standards of their produce to export levels.
Tesco Lotus follows the best practice of its UK parent, and there is similar misunderstanding in this regard. In selling milk, for instance, Tesco UK has launched the Tesco Sustainable Dairy Project to improve dairy cow welfare, while ensuring farmers receive higher prices.
Tesco's regionally sourced "local choice" milk has been praised by industry experts for both sustaining smaller UK farmers and satisfying customers who want to see more local produce in stores.
"Food miles" are indeed a serious concern for the company.
Tesco UK is in the process of auditing the carbon footprint of every product on its shelves for the purpose of labelling, so that customers can make an informed choice about their purchases.
This project will soon be coming to Thailand.
Forbes magazine recently presented Tesco with a Good Governance Award for being Number 1 in the category of Corporate Social Responsibility.
We would hope this demonstrates that our commitment to all of our stakeholders, whether they are suppliers, local communities or customers, is indeed genuine.
DARMP SUKONTASAP
SENIOR VICE PRESIDENT
TESCO LOTUS
------------
Still waiting for the sunrise
I thank Imtiaz Muqbil for his heart-felt "Open Letter to George W Bush (Soul Searching, 9 Dec 2007)
President Bush is an abomination and at last the American people are realising it. There is an evil that has run the American government for a long time and George W. Bush serves this evil. When he goes, a militaristic America goes with him.
George W. Bush will be viewed as the darkness before the dawn.
An America of true goodwill is forthcoming.
America owes the world an apology and you shall have it.
ONE AMERICAN
------------
Letter has surprise ending
I read the letter from Imtiaz Muqbil in total agreement until I reached the last sentence: "Think, Mr President, think really, really carefully."
At that point I broke down in laughter.
Come on, Brother Imtiaz.
Can you really refer to President Bush and use the word "think" in the same sentence?
GUY BAKER
BANGKOK
------------
Perception is reality
The recent letters criticising an earlier letter from "Farang Who Knows Too Much" seem to miss his larger point. He admits that Thaksin's many schemes were of dubious long-term benefit to the poor of the North and the Northeast. What I took away from his letter was that it is the conditions of those areas that allow a man like Thaksin to take advantage of the situation and exploit it for his own benefit.
His description of Isan and its problems, of the daughters who feel it necessary to "retail their honour" in Bangkok, has to strike a chord with anyone who knows Thailand. It is the elites of Thai society and the military who perpetuate a situation where someone as clever, cynical and manipulative as Khun Thaksin can succeed.
STEVE RUBENSTEIN
------------
One-sided view presented
"The case for John McCain" (Perspective, Dec 9, 2007) reads as though it was written by his campaign manager.While the article extols all his claimed virtues, there is no mention of the fact that before the war in Iraq McCain was running his mouth about how Saddam Hussein posed a terrible threat to America and must be stopped.
And please don't tell me he was given faulty intelligence. He could have waited for Hans Blix to have finished his on-site inspections in Iraq before making any final judgments.
But he didn't.
I also don't buy into the media hype that McCain is so honest.
During the 2000 Republican presidential debate he said that as soon one inhales marajuana his body is immediately damaged.
Any educated man who would say something like that is quite simply a liar.
And then there was the Elliot Gonzales case, in which a six-year-old Cuban boy who wanted to stay in America was ordered by the courts to return to Cuba with his father.
McCain argued this was unfair because a Russian "boy"under similar circumstances was allowed to stay in America. He conveniently failed to point out that the Russian "boy"was originally ordered to return to Russia with his parents.
But because the "boy"turned l8 during the appeals he was allowed to stay in America.
For McCain to have not told the American people that he was equating the rights of an l8-year-old man to those of a six-year-old child shows he has no more integrity than your average run of the mill, two bit politician.
ERIC BAHRT
PATTAYA
------------
In support of Eric Bahrt
I am becoming increasingly upset with the endless bashing of Eric Bahrt in your Postbag.What makes me so mad is that I know for a fact many of Eric's supporters (including me) write letters defending him, but we're not getting published. Yet people can write anything they want against Eric and it seems to go right into the paper. Does this represent a bias in your paper against his point of view? It seems very unfair to me because the readers are not aware of how many of us support Eric but are not being heard. I have had a small percentge of my letters published, but I know other supporters of Eric who rarely get anything published. Could you please give some explanation?
Eric is also a good guest columnist and a courageous defender of animals.
STEVE GORDON
CALIFORNIA, USA
Write us: Please send your comments on Perspective articles to perspective@bangkokpost.co.th
Bangkok Post
End ethnic discrimination
E-mail: postbag@bangkokpost.co.th / Snail mail: 136 Na Ranong Road, Klong Toey, Bangkok 10110, Thailand
Thailand has always prided itself on being a nation which welcomes socio-cultural ethnic minority diversity with mindful tolerance and compassionate understanding.
Short-sighted vindictive edicts imposed upon hapless migrant workers represent uncivil rights violations and unprincipled abuse of power restrictions.
The hard-working migrant workers, who came to Thailand with hopes of creating better lives and increasing future opportunities for themselves and their families, are instead confronted with distrust, disillusionment and discomforting hostility.
Unconscionable demands that pregnant labourers return to their native countries to give birth are heartlessly devoid of feeling.
Migrant workers share a simple common goal to be treated honestly and fairly, with dignity and respect.
DR CHANCHAI PRASERTSON
BANGKOK
------------
Superstore's response
We would like to respond to your Dec 9, 2007 article entitled "Crowding mom-and-pop."
In that article, there were many assertions about our company which were misleading and untrue. More importantly, the article provided readers with an incorrect understanding about the way we do business and the relationship that we have with suppliers and small shops.
First of all, on the matter of small shops, the article claims that an estimated 100,000 local retail stores have gone out of business because of superstores. And that these stores are a threat to mom-and-pop shops.
The truth is the contrary. According to latest estimates by an independent marketing research company, there are over 680,000 mom-and-pop shops in Thailand.
Approximately 15,000 new mom-and-pop shops are being set up annually.
Many of the new stores, especially in rural areas, came into being mainly because of superstores.
As recently as 15 years ago, village mom-and-pop stores had to rely on the middlemen or the wholesaler network to deliver household consumer products to them.
Whether or not the goods would be delivered to them would be up to the mercy of these middlemen and wholesalers.
Today, those who want to operate mom-and-pop shops either pool together to come buy the goods from superstores in the main provincial towns or individual owners would come and do their own shopping.
These mom-and-pop shops are now independent business owners liberated from the pressures from the middlemen and the traditional wholesaler network.
In large districts, there are approximately 150-170 villages. In each province, there can be around 15 to 20 districts. Multiply the numbers and we will get thousands of new mom-and-pop shops in each of Thailand's 76 provinces every year.
Secondly, in the case of working with farmers, we take pride in the fact that we directly contribute to the improvement of the livelihood of farmers and families through close cooperation with them.
At present, it is estimated that over 10,000 farming families across the country sell their produce to Tesco Lotus through the local farmers' co-op.
Last year alone, we bought over 247,000 tons of fruit and vegetables directly from farmers worth over 1 billion baht.
Aside from buying farm produce directly from farmers at a fair price, we also help provide them with a steady and predictable income. More importantly, we work with them in improving the quality and safety of their produce which, in turn, has raised the quality standards of their produce to export levels.
Tesco Lotus follows the best practice of its UK parent, and there is similar misunderstanding in this regard. In selling milk, for instance, Tesco UK has launched the Tesco Sustainable Dairy Project to improve dairy cow welfare, while ensuring farmers receive higher prices.
Tesco's regionally sourced "local choice" milk has been praised by industry experts for both sustaining smaller UK farmers and satisfying customers who want to see more local produce in stores.
"Food miles" are indeed a serious concern for the company.
Tesco UK is in the process of auditing the carbon footprint of every product on its shelves for the purpose of labelling, so that customers can make an informed choice about their purchases.
This project will soon be coming to Thailand.
Forbes magazine recently presented Tesco with a Good Governance Award for being Number 1 in the category of Corporate Social Responsibility.
We would hope this demonstrates that our commitment to all of our stakeholders, whether they are suppliers, local communities or customers, is indeed genuine.
DARMP SUKONTASAP
SENIOR VICE PRESIDENT
TESCO LOTUS
------------
Still waiting for the sunrise
I thank Imtiaz Muqbil for his heart-felt "Open Letter to George W Bush (Soul Searching, 9 Dec 2007)
President Bush is an abomination and at last the American people are realising it. There is an evil that has run the American government for a long time and George W. Bush serves this evil. When he goes, a militaristic America goes with him.
George W. Bush will be viewed as the darkness before the dawn.
An America of true goodwill is forthcoming.
America owes the world an apology and you shall have it.
ONE AMERICAN
------------
Letter has surprise ending
I read the letter from Imtiaz Muqbil in total agreement until I reached the last sentence: "Think, Mr President, think really, really carefully."
At that point I broke down in laughter.
Come on, Brother Imtiaz.
Can you really refer to President Bush and use the word "think" in the same sentence?
GUY BAKER
BANGKOK
------------
Perception is reality
The recent letters criticising an earlier letter from "Farang Who Knows Too Much" seem to miss his larger point. He admits that Thaksin's many schemes were of dubious long-term benefit to the poor of the North and the Northeast. What I took away from his letter was that it is the conditions of those areas that allow a man like Thaksin to take advantage of the situation and exploit it for his own benefit.
His description of Isan and its problems, of the daughters who feel it necessary to "retail their honour" in Bangkok, has to strike a chord with anyone who knows Thailand. It is the elites of Thai society and the military who perpetuate a situation where someone as clever, cynical and manipulative as Khun Thaksin can succeed.
STEVE RUBENSTEIN
------------
One-sided view presented
"The case for John McCain" (Perspective, Dec 9, 2007) reads as though it was written by his campaign manager.While the article extols all his claimed virtues, there is no mention of the fact that before the war in Iraq McCain was running his mouth about how Saddam Hussein posed a terrible threat to America and must be stopped.
And please don't tell me he was given faulty intelligence. He could have waited for Hans Blix to have finished his on-site inspections in Iraq before making any final judgments.
But he didn't.
I also don't buy into the media hype that McCain is so honest.
During the 2000 Republican presidential debate he said that as soon one inhales marajuana his body is immediately damaged.
Any educated man who would say something like that is quite simply a liar.
And then there was the Elliot Gonzales case, in which a six-year-old Cuban boy who wanted to stay in America was ordered by the courts to return to Cuba with his father.
McCain argued this was unfair because a Russian "boy"under similar circumstances was allowed to stay in America. He conveniently failed to point out that the Russian "boy"was originally ordered to return to Russia with his parents.
But because the "boy"turned l8 during the appeals he was allowed to stay in America.
For McCain to have not told the American people that he was equating the rights of an l8-year-old man to those of a six-year-old child shows he has no more integrity than your average run of the mill, two bit politician.
ERIC BAHRT
PATTAYA
------------
In support of Eric Bahrt
I am becoming increasingly upset with the endless bashing of Eric Bahrt in your Postbag.What makes me so mad is that I know for a fact many of Eric's supporters (including me) write letters defending him, but we're not getting published. Yet people can write anything they want against Eric and it seems to go right into the paper. Does this represent a bias in your paper against his point of view? It seems very unfair to me because the readers are not aware of how many of us support Eric but are not being heard. I have had a small percentge of my letters published, but I know other supporters of Eric who rarely get anything published. Could you please give some explanation?
Eric is also a good guest columnist and a courageous defender of animals.
STEVE GORDON
CALIFORNIA, USA
Write us: Please send your comments on Perspective articles to perspective@bangkokpost.co.th
Bangkok Post
To be green and clean
IN SIGHT
To be green and clean
The leader of the Prachamati party, Pramual Rujanaseri, says he wants to establish a political party which belongs to the people and really serves their needs
TUNYA SUKPANICH
Pramual Rujanaseri, the leader of the Prachamati political party, has a dream to set up his party free from obligations to big financial supporters. He acknowledges that money is important to run political activities, but says that financial support should come from a variety of groups in society. He is asking businesses listed on the Stock Exchange of Thailand (SET), as well as cooperative financial institutes, to donate small sums of money.
"It is too soon to tell whether these methods will be successful or not. We're on new ground," said Pramual.
The Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) approved Prachamati party on September 25 this year. The party was set up under the concept of "green and clean" politics. In order to make this a reality, he says, it cannot depend on any influential politicians or big entrepreneurs.
"This will help us to get out from a vicious circle of money politics, which leads to corruption," said Pramual. With his extensive experience as a high ranking government official and then as an elected representative, he knows well how money manipulation works in the system, and how it is the people who have to bear the consequences.
"Our party has initiated 20 policies concerned with politics, economics and social well being, which are all designed to benefit society as a whole, not the capitalists," he said emphatically.
The most significant policy deals with the establishment of a system for provincial financial management. Under the policy, each province would issue bonds worth 10 billion baht for sale to the general public in a particular province, similar to the bond schemes now run by the central government. The revenue generated would be used to implement development projects. Pramual said this rather daring policy would distribute real power to the local and provincial administration organisations.
This is the reason the party chose "Nok Wayupak" - a powerful mythical bird - as its official logo. The bird is also the logo of the Finance Ministry.
In his five years in the political arena, Pramual has seen his share of conflict, but this is the first time he has been in the lead role. He acknowledged that it is difficult, especially as leader of a new and small political party.
After retiring from the Interior Ministry in 2000, Pramual began his political career with Thaksin Shinawatra's Thai Rak Thai (TRT) party. When Sanoh Thienthong left TRT to form the Pracharaj party, Pramual went with him to become deputy leader.
However, he abruptly resigned from the Pracharaj party, saying that he wanted to look after his sick wife. He surprised the public again when he formed and became leader of the Prachamati party, vowing it would not be under the sway of influential politicians and businessmen.
He also vowed that his party would never join with the Pracharaj party, and has even said publicly that Sanoh should end his political career to pave the way for the new generation.
Pramual said he chose not to join any of the existing parties because the political strategies of the People Power Party (PPP) - the frontrunner in the 23 December election and the official offshoot of the now-dissolved TRT - are no different from those of TRT, while the political parties opposing the PPP are too weak.
"The various political parties are following in the populist style of the PPP. Everyone continues to use money, rather than wisdom, in the election battle," said Pramual.
"It would not be difficult to run a political party which has strong financial support from businessmen - just listen and follow their orders," he quipped.
"But that is not what I prefer. I want to establish a clean and green political party, one which belongs to the people and really serves their needs," Pramual said.
An uphill struggle
Apparently, the politics of clean and green is not quite ready for reality. To reach his destination, Pramual has to fight against the wrong attitudes of the general public and also of party members.
"I am shocked to learn that a recent poll found that 68 percent of eligible voters interviewed were willing to accept money from the candidates," he said. "If the people continue to think this way, the country can possibly be sold in the future.
"Even some Prachamati members have taken for granted that the party would take full responsibility for all their expenditures, especially for election campaigns. I have a hard time trying to make them understand that they must share certain responsibilities," he said.
Two Prachamati party members with high potential to be elected as MPs decided to run for other big parties after they were offered a large sum of money.
Because the party is small and its candidates are not well known, the Prachamati party has failed to place in any public opinion polls. However, Pramual says he does not feel apprehensive, and maintains a positive attitude. He believes that at the least he will be chosen as party-list MP in zone 6, which includes Bangkok, because of past good deeds.
Furthermore, since more than 50 percent of people interviewed say they have not yet made any decision, Pramual has hopes that Prachamati's policies will finally resonate with the public and more of its candidates will be elected.
One poll says that 75 percent of those interviewed are bored with the same old politicians. "This is another chance for our candidates, who are new faces in politics," he said.
He greeted favourably the possibility that Prachamati might be asked to join a coalition, but said that as a condition at least two of its policies should be implemented - supplying free electricity and water to the people and the bond scheme to fund provincial development.
New campaign methods
While the big parties like PPP, Democrat, Chartthai and Puea Pandin have put up their campaign posters all over Bangkok and other provinces, Prachamati campaign posters are rarely seen, perhaps surprisingly since the candidates are new faces.
"We have some posters. But I do not see how they are useful for the people to make a decision It's similar to the roaming pick-ups with the campaign tapes. Not every party uses those campaign methods any longer. "Times change, and so do people's attitudes. With modern technology we have alternative channels to direct our policy and opinions to the public. For example, websites and meeting with the people."
Beside the party website, Pramual has his own website and fan club.
However, he criticised the media for ignoring small parties.
"The media give most space to big parties. They do not give any significance to the policies of the small parties," he commented.
No matter how difficult it is on his chosen political path, Pramual insisted that he would not easily back off, even if his party gains not a single MP. Prachamati party is in it for the long haul, he said.
"I will continue with the new concept of green and clean politics. After the election I will set up an institute to develop politicians and also to develop a referendum policy and implementation process."
Another thing that can be counted on is that Pramual will continue writing. His book Royal Powers stirred a wide debate in society in 2005. The book was a best seller, with tens of thousands of copies sold. He published a number of lesser known books before that, for example Balance-Thailand and Power of People.
"I just finished another book called New Era-New Life, but it can be released after the election as it concerns politics," Pramual said. He confessed that he has also written several campaign songs.
Bio DATA
Pramual Rujanaseri was born on March 21, 1939 in Mae Sariang district of Mae Hong Son province. His early education was in Mae Hong Son and Chiang Mai provinces. He completed his Bachelor degree in Political Science from Thammasat University, and a Master degree in the same field from the National Institute of Development Administration (NIDA). He worked at the Ministry of Interior from 1962 until his retirement in 2000. His last position with the Interior Ministry was as Deputy Permanent Secretary.
Right after his retirement, he joined the now-dissolved Thai Rak Thai (TRT) party as deputy leader. Two years later, he became Deputy Minister of the Interior. Following conflicts within TRT, he, together with other members of the Wang Nam Yen faction led by Sanoh Thienthong, resigned from the party.
Pramual is married with two children.
Bangkok Post
To be green and clean
The leader of the Prachamati party, Pramual Rujanaseri, says he wants to establish a political party which belongs to the people and really serves their needs
TUNYA SUKPANICH
Pramual Rujanaseri, the leader of the Prachamati political party, has a dream to set up his party free from obligations to big financial supporters. He acknowledges that money is important to run political activities, but says that financial support should come from a variety of groups in society. He is asking businesses listed on the Stock Exchange of Thailand (SET), as well as cooperative financial institutes, to donate small sums of money.
"It is too soon to tell whether these methods will be successful or not. We're on new ground," said Pramual.
The Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) approved Prachamati party on September 25 this year. The party was set up under the concept of "green and clean" politics. In order to make this a reality, he says, it cannot depend on any influential politicians or big entrepreneurs.
"This will help us to get out from a vicious circle of money politics, which leads to corruption," said Pramual. With his extensive experience as a high ranking government official and then as an elected representative, he knows well how money manipulation works in the system, and how it is the people who have to bear the consequences.
"Our party has initiated 20 policies concerned with politics, economics and social well being, which are all designed to benefit society as a whole, not the capitalists," he said emphatically.
The most significant policy deals with the establishment of a system for provincial financial management. Under the policy, each province would issue bonds worth 10 billion baht for sale to the general public in a particular province, similar to the bond schemes now run by the central government. The revenue generated would be used to implement development projects. Pramual said this rather daring policy would distribute real power to the local and provincial administration organisations.
This is the reason the party chose "Nok Wayupak" - a powerful mythical bird - as its official logo. The bird is also the logo of the Finance Ministry.
In his five years in the political arena, Pramual has seen his share of conflict, but this is the first time he has been in the lead role. He acknowledged that it is difficult, especially as leader of a new and small political party.
After retiring from the Interior Ministry in 2000, Pramual began his political career with Thaksin Shinawatra's Thai Rak Thai (TRT) party. When Sanoh Thienthong left TRT to form the Pracharaj party, Pramual went with him to become deputy leader.
However, he abruptly resigned from the Pracharaj party, saying that he wanted to look after his sick wife. He surprised the public again when he formed and became leader of the Prachamati party, vowing it would not be under the sway of influential politicians and businessmen.
He also vowed that his party would never join with the Pracharaj party, and has even said publicly that Sanoh should end his political career to pave the way for the new generation.
Pramual said he chose not to join any of the existing parties because the political strategies of the People Power Party (PPP) - the frontrunner in the 23 December election and the official offshoot of the now-dissolved TRT - are no different from those of TRT, while the political parties opposing the PPP are too weak.
"The various political parties are following in the populist style of the PPP. Everyone continues to use money, rather than wisdom, in the election battle," said Pramual.
"It would not be difficult to run a political party which has strong financial support from businessmen - just listen and follow their orders," he quipped.
"But that is not what I prefer. I want to establish a clean and green political party, one which belongs to the people and really serves their needs," Pramual said.
An uphill struggle
Apparently, the politics of clean and green is not quite ready for reality. To reach his destination, Pramual has to fight against the wrong attitudes of the general public and also of party members.
"I am shocked to learn that a recent poll found that 68 percent of eligible voters interviewed were willing to accept money from the candidates," he said. "If the people continue to think this way, the country can possibly be sold in the future.
"Even some Prachamati members have taken for granted that the party would take full responsibility for all their expenditures, especially for election campaigns. I have a hard time trying to make them understand that they must share certain responsibilities," he said.
Two Prachamati party members with high potential to be elected as MPs decided to run for other big parties after they were offered a large sum of money.
Because the party is small and its candidates are not well known, the Prachamati party has failed to place in any public opinion polls. However, Pramual says he does not feel apprehensive, and maintains a positive attitude. He believes that at the least he will be chosen as party-list MP in zone 6, which includes Bangkok, because of past good deeds.
Furthermore, since more than 50 percent of people interviewed say they have not yet made any decision, Pramual has hopes that Prachamati's policies will finally resonate with the public and more of its candidates will be elected.
One poll says that 75 percent of those interviewed are bored with the same old politicians. "This is another chance for our candidates, who are new faces in politics," he said.
He greeted favourably the possibility that Prachamati might be asked to join a coalition, but said that as a condition at least two of its policies should be implemented - supplying free electricity and water to the people and the bond scheme to fund provincial development.
New campaign methods
While the big parties like PPP, Democrat, Chartthai and Puea Pandin have put up their campaign posters all over Bangkok and other provinces, Prachamati campaign posters are rarely seen, perhaps surprisingly since the candidates are new faces.
"We have some posters. But I do not see how they are useful for the people to make a decision It's similar to the roaming pick-ups with the campaign tapes. Not every party uses those campaign methods any longer. "Times change, and so do people's attitudes. With modern technology we have alternative channels to direct our policy and opinions to the public. For example, websites and meeting with the people."
Beside the party website, Pramual has his own website and fan club.
However, he criticised the media for ignoring small parties.
"The media give most space to big parties. They do not give any significance to the policies of the small parties," he commented.
No matter how difficult it is on his chosen political path, Pramual insisted that he would not easily back off, even if his party gains not a single MP. Prachamati party is in it for the long haul, he said.
"I will continue with the new concept of green and clean politics. After the election I will set up an institute to develop politicians and also to develop a referendum policy and implementation process."
Another thing that can be counted on is that Pramual will continue writing. His book Royal Powers stirred a wide debate in society in 2005. The book was a best seller, with tens of thousands of copies sold. He published a number of lesser known books before that, for example Balance-Thailand and Power of People.
"I just finished another book called New Era-New Life, but it can be released after the election as it concerns politics," Pramual said. He confessed that he has also written several campaign songs.
Bio DATA
Pramual Rujanaseri was born on March 21, 1939 in Mae Sariang district of Mae Hong Son province. His early education was in Mae Hong Son and Chiang Mai provinces. He completed his Bachelor degree in Political Science from Thammasat University, and a Master degree in the same field from the National Institute of Development Administration (NIDA). He worked at the Ministry of Interior from 1962 until his retirement in 2000. His last position with the Interior Ministry was as Deputy Permanent Secretary.
Right after his retirement, he joined the now-dissolved Thai Rak Thai (TRT) party as deputy leader. Two years later, he became Deputy Minister of the Interior. Following conflicts within TRT, he, together with other members of the Wang Nam Yen faction led by Sanoh Thienthong, resigned from the party.
Pramual is married with two children.
Bangkok Post
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